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THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY
FOUNDED BY JAMES LOEB, LL.D.
EDITED BY TT. E. PAGE, c.H., LrTt.p. + E. CAPPS, px.p., 11,.Ὁ. +W. H. Ὁ. ROUSE, trrt.p. L. A. POST, u.u.p. E. H. WARMINGTON, m.a., F.R.HIST.SOC.
THE GEOGRAPHY OF STRABO I
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DNIGHUOOOV GINOM GHLIAVHNI AHL
THE GEOGRAPHY OF STRABO
WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY HORACE LEONARD JONES, A.M., Px.D.
BASED IN PART UPON THE UNFINISHED VERSION OF JOHN ROBERT SITLINGTON STERRETT
PH.D., LL.D.
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CONTENTS
THE INHABITED WORLD ACCORDING TO STRABO . Frontispiece
PREFACE . . «eee © & INTRODUCTION 2.4.2 6 « BIBLIOGRAPHY «4 « « « « BOOK T . 2. 2 6 © © wo BOOK TT) 6 ὁ 9. 0.058 4.0
ἃ PARTIAL DICTIONARY OF
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PREFACE
Proressorn JonN Rozert SITLINGTON STERRETT, the eminent scholar who was originally chosen by the Editors of the Loeb Classical Library to prepare this edition of Strabo, died suddenly on June 15, 1914. His many friends and colleagues in the world of scholarship were ‘greatly disappointed that he was thus prevented from bringing to a happy completion a task which would have been a fitting consummation of a long and notable career. In accordance with a desire he expressed to me shortly before his death, and at the invitation of the Editors, I have ventured, not without misgivings, to carry on the work from the point where his labours ceased.
~The Introduction and the Bibliography remain substantially as they were left by Professor Sterrett ;
and the translation of the first two books, contained in Volume I., not only is indebted to him for much of its diction, but reveals in other elements of style many traces of his individuality. Nevertheless the
PREFACE
present version, a fairly literal one perhaps, is so remote from the free rendering of Professor Sterrett, above all in the technical passages, that it would be unjust to hold him responsible for any mistakes or infelicities which the reader may now detect. The Editors, it is true, at, first requested me merely to revise and see through the press the first two books as, Professor Sterrett had left them, and then to pro- ceed independently with the remaining fifteen ; yet upon a closer examination of his work both they and | decided that to revise it for publication ἃ would be impossible without destr oying its quality, and aim, at all events for, a new translator of the whole. The Editors then decided, in view of the purposes « of the Loeb Library and for the sake of unity i in the work as a whole, to proceed as the title- -page indicates ; and hence, i in order to ayoid the danger of attributing to Professor Sterrett a method of interpretation for which he should not be held accountable, the pre- sent translator has been forced to “assume ‘all the responsibility from the beginning —for the first, two books 85. well as the rest.
In constituting the Greek text. 1 have, tried to take into account the work that has been done, by scholars, not only since the appearance. of Meineke’ 8 edition, but pr ior to that edition as well, The map viii
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PREFACE
of The Inhabited World according to Strabo (drawn by Mr. L. A. Lawrence of Cornell University) is adapted partly from the Orbis Terrarum secundum Strabonem of C. Miiller and partly from that of W. Sieglin.
I wish to acknowledge my great indebtedness to my colleagues, Professor Lane Cooper and Professor Joseph Quincy Adams, of Cornell University, for their criticism of the translation; and also to Pro- fessor Ora M. Leland, for assistance in technical problems related to astronomy. But above all, I desire to record an incalculable debt of gratitude to my lamented friend, Professor Sterrett, who, in the relation first of teacher and later of colleague, was to me, as to many others, an unfailing source of inspiration and encouragement.
ἘΠ i J. April, 1916.
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Wuat is known about Strabo must be gleaned from his own statements scattered up and down’ the pages of his Geography ; this is true not merely of his lineage, for we also learn much by inference concerning his career and writings. Dorylaus, sur- named Tacticus or the General, is the first of the maternal ancestors of Strabo to be mentioned by him, in connexion with his account of Cnossus (10. 4.10). This Dorylaus was one of the officers and friends of Mithridates Euergetes, who sent him on frequent journeys to Thrace and Greece to enlist mercenary troops for the royal army. At that time the Romans had’ not yet occupied Crete, and Dorylaus happened to put in at Cnossus at the outbreak of a war between Cnossus and Gortyna. His prestige as a general caused him to be placed in command of the Cnossian army ; his operations resulted in a sweeping victory for Cnossus, and great honours were heaped upon him in consequence. At that juncture Euergetes was assassinated’ at Sinope, and as Dorylaus had nothing to’ hope for from the widowed queen and young children of the dead king, he cast in his lot permanently with the Cnossians. He married at xi
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Cnossus, where were born his one daughter and two sons, Lagetas and Stratarchas. Their very names indi- cate the martial proclivities of the family. Stratarchas was already an aged man when Strabo saw him. Mithridates, surnamed Eupator and the Great, succeeded to the throne of Euergetes at the early age of eleven years. He had been brought up with another Dorylaus, who. was) the..nephew of Dorylaus the general. When, Mithridates had become, king; he showed his affection for his playmate Dorylaus, by showering honours upon him, and by making him priest of Maat Comana Pontica—a dignity. which, caused Dorylaus to rank immediately after the king. But not content with! that, Mithridates was desirous of conferring benefactions upon. the other members οὗ his: friend’s. family. . Dorylaus, the . general, was dead, but Lagetas and Stratarchas, his sons, now grown to manhood, were summoned to the court of Mithridates. ‘The daughter, of _Lagetas was. the mother of my mother,” says Strabo... As long as fortune smiled. on Dorylaus, Lagetas and. Stratarchas continued to fare well; but ambition led Dorylaus to become a traitor to his royal master; he was con- victed of plotting to surrender the kingdom te. the Romans, who, it seems, had agreed to make. him king in return for his‘ ‘treasonable | service: .The details of the sequel. are, not’ known; forall. that Strabo thinks it worth while to.say is that the two men went down into obscurity,and discredit along with Dorylaus (10. 4:.10). These ancestors of Strabo
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were Greeks, but Asiatic blood also flowed’ in his veins! When Mithridates ‘annexed Colchis, “he realized the importance of appointing as governors of the province ‘only his most ‘faithful officials and friends. ‘One of these governors was Moaphernes, the uncle οὗ Strabo’s mother on her ‘father’s’ side (11. 2.18). Moaphernes did not attain to this exalted Station ‘until! towards the close of the reign’ of Mithridates, and he shared in the: ruin of his royal master. But other members of the family of Strabo escaped that ruin; for they foresaw the downfall of Mithridates, and sought’ cover ‘from the impending storm, One of them was Strabo’s paternal grand- father, Aeniates by name (if the conjecture of Ettore Pais be accepted). Aeniates had private reasons for hating Mithridates, and, besides ‘that, Mithridates had put to’death Tibius, the nephew of Aeniates, and Tibius’ son Theophilus. Aeniates therefore sought to avenge both them and himself he treason- ably surrendered fifteen fortresses: to Lucullus, who made ‘him promises of great advancement in return. for this service to the: Roman cause,: But at this juncture Lucullus was superseded by: Pompey, who hated Lucullus and regarded as his own personal enemies 4}} those who had'»rendered noteworthy service to his’ predecessor. Pompey’s hostility to Aeniates was not confined to the persecution of him in Asia Minor; for, when he had returned to Rome after the termination of the war, he prevented the Senate from conferring» the honours: promised by
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Lucullus to certain men in Pontus, on the ground that the spoils and honours should not be awarded. by Lucullus, but by himself, the real victor... And.so it came about that Strabo’s grandfather failed. of the reward of his treason (12. 3. 13). A further proof of the existence of Asiatic blood in the veins of Strabo is the name of his kinsman Tibius; for, says Strabo, the Athenians gave to their slaves: the names of the nations from which they came, or else the names that were most current in the countries from which they came; for instance, if the slave: were) ἃ Paph- lagonian, the Athenians, would call, him Tibius (7. 3. 12). Thus, it appears that Strabo was,of mixed lineage, and that he was. descended. from illustrious Greeks and Asiatics: who had. served the kings of Pontus as generals, satraps, and priests of Ma. But by language and; education he was thoroughly Greek. is Buf Strabo was born in Amasia in Ροπέας in 64. or. 63 B.c. (the later date being the year. of . Cicero’s consulate). It is plain that his family had managed to amass property, and Strabo must have inherited considerable wealth ; for his fortune was sufficient
_to enable him to devote his life to scholarly pursuits
and to travel somewhat extensively. His education
\/ was elaborate, and Greek in character. When he
was still a very young man he studied under Aristo- demus in Nysa near Tralles in Caria (14. 1. 48) His parents may have removed from Amasia. to Nysa in consequence of the embarrassing conditions
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brought about by the victories of Pompey, the enemy of their house; but the boy may have been sent to study in Nysa before the overthrow of Mithridates the Great ; and, if so, he was probably sent thither because one: of his kinsmen held high office in the neighbouring ‘Tralles. Ettore Pais points out that, when Mithridates:'the Great ordered the killing of the Roman citizens in Asia, Theophilus, a Captain in service in Tralles,. was employed by the Trallians to do the killing. ‘It'seems probable that: this Theo- philus: was the kinsman’ of Strabo,.and the same person who was afterwards executed by Mithridates, an execution’ that caused Strabo’s paternal grand- father to betray the king and desert to Lucullus,
» In: 44 Bc. Strabo) went» to": Rome “by way of Corinth. It was αὖ Rome that» he met Publius Servilius, surnamed Isauricus, and that general died in 44 5.c.. (This was-also the year of the death of Caesar.) Strabo was nineteen or twenty years old at the time of his first visit to Rome. ἴῃ connexion with his account of Amisus (12. 3.16) we read: that Strabo studied under /Tyrannion. That instruction must have been received at Rome; for in 66 Bic. Lucullus had taken Tyrannion as a captive to Rome, where he gave instruction, among others, to the two sons of Cicero. It is Cicero (Add Att. 2.:6.:1) who tells us that Tyrannion was also ἃ distinguished | geographer, and he may have guided Strabo into the | paths of geographical study. It was probably also at Rome that Strabo had the good fortune to attend
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the lectures of Xenarchus (14. 5. 4), the Peripatetic - philosopher; for he tells us that Xenarchus abandoned Seleucia, his native place, and lived in: Alexandria; Athens, and Rome, where:he followed the profession of teacher. He also tells us that he “ Aristotelized’”’ along with Boéthus (the Stoic philosopher of Sidon), or, in other words, under’ Xenarchus in’ Rome (16. 2: 24). Strabo knew Poseidonius (7. fr 60, quoted from -Athenaeus 14. 75. p. 657), and it has been argued from that statement that Poseidonius, too, was one of Strabo’s teachers. But inyspite of the fact that his teachers were Peripatetics, there . ean be no doubt that he was himself an; adherent of Stoicism. He confesses: himself a Stoic (7. 3. 4); he speaks of “our Zeno” (1. 2. 84); again, ‘he says: “ For. in’ Poseidonius» there ‘is: much inquiry into causes and much imitating οὗ Aristotle—pre- cisely what our School avoids,.on account of the οὔ: scurity of the causes” (2.3.8). Stephanus Byzantius calls him. “the Stoic philosopher.’ ; Strabo ‘lets his adherence to Stoicism appear. on many. océasions, and he even contrasts the doctrines of Stoicism with those of the Peripatetic School... What’ had: brought about his conversion cannot be ‘ascertained. » It may have been due to Athenodorus; for in his account of Petra he says that Ὁ 15. well-governed; and “ my friend Athenodorus, the philosopher, has spoken to me of that fact with admiration’’ (16. 4. 21). This philosopher-friend was the Stoic Athenodorus, the teacher and friend of Augustus. Strabo makes’ his
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position in regard'to the popular religion quite ‘clear in several passages; he insists that while’ sach religion is necessary in order to hold the illiterate in check, it is unworthy of the scholar. |: “ For in deal- ing! with a crowd of women, at least, or with’ any promiscuous mob, a philosopher ‘cannot influence them by reason or exhort them to reverence, piety, and faith; nay, there is need of religious’ fear ‘also, and this’ cannot be aroused ‘without’ ‘myths ‘and marvels. For thunderbolt, aegis, ‘trident, torches, snakes, thyrsus-lances,~—arms of the gods~are a and so iis the; entire ancient theology” (1.2. 8). speaking of the supposed religiosity of the: oe (7.3.4) he quotes Menander to the effect that°the observances of public worship are ruining the world financially, and he gives ἃ somewhat gleeful picture of ‘the: absence of real religion behind thosé same observances. of public worship. Yet Strabo! had a religion, and even though he believed that causes are past finding out, he nevertheless believed in Providence'as the great: First Cause: He sets forth the Stoic doctrine) of “ conformity’ to nature” at | some length in'speaking of Egypt (17.1.36); δᾶ he | _ also’ adverts to it in —_ account of ee river ens | of France (4. 1.:14).» ‘oq 1
» As for his. ‘politidad: defi onb, he: seems to™'‘have followed: Polybius: in his) profound respect for the Romans, with whom; apparently, he is°in ‘entire sympathy; he never fails'to show great admiration, ποῦ only for» thé political) grandeur of the Roman
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Empire, but for its wise administration as well ; he is convinced of the necessity of a central monarchial power: * The excellence of the government and of the Roman Emperors has prevented Italy (which has often been torn by civil war from the very time when it became subject to Rome), and even Rome itself, from. proceeding further ‘in the ways of error ‘and corruption. But it would-be difficult for the Romans to.govern so vast an empire in any other way than by entrusting it to one person—as it ‘were, toa father. . And certainly at no other period have the Romans and their allies enjoyed such: perfect peace and prosperity as that which the Emperor Augustus gave| them from the very moment) when he. was clothed with. autocratic power, a peace which Tiberius, his son and successor; continues to give them at the present moment ; for he makes Augustus the pattern in his policy and administration; and Germanicus and. Drusus, the sons: of Tiberius; who are now serving in the government of their father, also make Augustus their pattern’’ (6. 4. 2). And he constantly takes the Roman point of view. . For instance, ‘in leading up. to) his account of) the de- struction of Corinth by Mummius, he tells us that the Corinthians had perpetrated manifold» outrages on the Romans ; he does indeed mention the feeling of pity to which Polybius gave expression in telling of the sack of Corinth, and: says that Polybius was horrified, at the contempt: ‘shown by the Roman soldiery for the sacred offerings and the masterpieces x viii
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of art; “for Polybius says he personally saw how paintings had been thrown to the ground and saw the soldiers playing dice'on them.” But Strabo gives us to understand. that his own private feeling is that the Corinthians were merely paying for the many insults they had heaped on the Romans (8. 6. 23). He is equally dispassionate in’ telling of the Roman conquest of his: own: native country (12: 3. 33). He seems to be thoroughly Roman at πόαν; for the Romans have. united the world under one beneficent administration (1.1.16); by the extinction ofthe pirates the Roman peace has brought prosperity, tran- quillity, security to commerce, and safety of travel (3,2. 5; 14. 8. 8; 16. 2. 20); a country becomes prosperous, just as soon-as it comes under the Roman sway (3. 3. 8), which opens up means of? inter- communication (2. 5. 26); friendship and alliance with Rome mean prosperity to the people possessing them (3. 1. 8; 4. 1. 5); so does the establishment of a Roman colony in any place (6. 3. 4).
_ We have seen that Strabo went to Rome in 44 n.c., and that he was nineteen or twenty years old at that time. He made several: other journeys to Rome: we find him there in 35 s.c. ; for that is the date of the execution of Selurus (6. 2:. 6), which Strabo witnessed. He was then twenty-nine years old. He was in Rome about 31 s.c.; for he saw the painting of Dionysus by Aristeides (one of those paintings seen by Polybius at the sack of Corinth) in the temple of Ceres in Rome, and he adds: * But
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recently the temple was destroyed by fire, and: the painting perished” (8. 6: 23). “It is known’ from Dio Cassius (50. 10) that the temple of Ceres was burned in 31 5:0. He was thirty-two or thirty-three years old at that'time. We know of «still another \; _journey to Rome: « I landed on the island of Gyaros, where I found a ‘small village inhabited ' by fisher- men; when we sailed from the island, we took: on board one of those fishermen who ‘had’ been sent ‘on a mission to Augustus (who, was) then at: Corinth, on his way [from Egypt] to celebrate his triumph after his victory at Actium). ~ On the’ voyage we questioned this fisherman, and he told~us that he had been sent to ask for a diminution of the tribute” (10. ὅ. 3). Here -we find Strabo journeying from . Asia’ Minor, ‘by way of the: island of Gyaros ‘and Corinth, and the clear inference is that he ‘was on his way to Rome at the time. ‘This was in’ 29 Bic, and Strabo was thirty-four or thirty-five years old! Augustus had just founded Nicopolis in honour of - his‘ victory: at Actium (7. 7. 6), and: it’ is not ‘un- likely: that Strabo: visited: the παν ΟΥ̓ on that i voyage. In 25: δῃᾶ. 24.5.6. he isin Egypt, and accompanies Aélius Gallus up the: Nile, proceeding . as far as Syene and the frontiers of Ethiopia (20 5. 12). -At that time he was thirty-nine years old) He was still in Egypt when Augustus was in Samosvin:20 5.6. (14. 1.14). He was then: forty-four years. old Accordingly he lived for more than ‘five years in Alexandria, and we may: infer that it was in the XX
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Alexandrian library that he made:from the works of ν'
his predecessors those numerous excerpts with which his book is filled. We find him again in Rome about 7 p.c.; for in his description of ‘Rome /he mentions buildings that were erected after 20 Β.6., the last. of them being the portico: of Livia, iehiak was dedi- cated in 7 B.c. (δ. 3,8). . This: was perhaps, his final visit to Rome, and he was then fifty-six or fifty-seven years old!) ‘It'seems: that he:lived to be eighty-four years. old, for he chronicles the death of Juba. in
2) «.p., but (the Jast twenty-six or twenty-seven
years of his life were: spent. far from Rome, and probably in his native Amasia. | His residence at) this remote place made: it impossible) for him to follow the course of recent political events: and, to incor- a them inthe revised edition of his book, - Strabo thought that’ he had: travelled much. He says: “ Now-l shall: tell, what part of the land and 864 I have myself visited and concerning what part 1 have trusted to accounts given by others by word of mouth or in writing... I have travelled westward. from
Armenia ‘as far as the coasts of /Tyrrhenia opposite ~
Sardinia, and in the direction of the South I have travelled from the Euxine Sea as far as the frontiers of Ethiopia... And you could not, find another person among the writers on Geography who has travelled over much more:‘of) thé distances just mentioned. than I; indeed, those who»have: travelled more than I in the western regions have not covered as much ground in the east, and) those who have travelled
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more in the eastern countries are behind me in the western countries; and the same holds true in re- gard to the regions towards the South and North” (2. 5. 11). And yet it cannot be said that he was a great traveller; nor can it be said that he travelled for the purpose of scientific research—the real reason for his journeys will presently appear. He saw little even of Italy, where he seems to have followed without much deviation the | roads Brindisi-Rome, Rome-Naples-Puteoli, and Rome~Populonia. . It does not appear that: he lived for ‘any véry long stret¢h of time at Rome ; and it cannot: be maintained with positiveness that in Greece he saw any place other than Corinth—-not even Athens, strange as. this may seem. In the South and ‘the East his travels were more extensive: in the South he visited the Nile valley as far as the frontiers.of| Ethiopia ; he was at Comana Aurea for some time; he: saw the river Pyramus, Hierapolis in Phrygia, Nysa in Caria,\and Ephesus ; he was acquainted with Pontus; he visited Sinope, Cyzicus, and Nicaea; he travelled over Ci- licia and much of Caria, visiting Mylasa, Alabanda, Tralles, ‘and probably also »Synnada, Magnesia, Smyrna, the shores of the Euxine, and Beirut in Syria. Though we may not limit the places he saw to the places actually mentioned as having been seen by him, still it is clear that his journeys were not so wide as we should have expected in the case of a man who was travelling in the interest of science. Ettore Pais seems to make good his contention that
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the work of Strabo was not written by a man who was travelling on his own account and for scientific reasons, but by one who seized..every.occasion. to study what circumstances and-the pleasure of.others gave him an opportunity of knowing. ~ He contends, further; that it was: for the sake of others that Strabo made his journeys; that he was instructor and politician, travelling perhaps with, and certainly in the interest of, ‘persons of the ‘most: exalted ‘rank ; that he was the teacher and guide of eminent men. Strabo never fails to mention the famous scholars and teachers who were born: in the East—the list is a long one; and we are fain to believe that’ he occu- pied a similar social position. He insists that his Geography ‘is political: The greater part of Geo- ’ graphy subserves the uses of states and their rulers; Geography as a whole is intimately connected with the functions of persons: in positions of political leadership (1.1.16); Geography is particularly use- ful in the conduct of great. military undertakings (1.1. 17); it ‘serves to regulate the conduct and answer the needs of ruling princes (1. 1.18). Ρεε- sumably it was with just such people that he travelled. But Pais joins issue with Niese and others in their contention ‘that the men with whom. and) in whose interest he travelled were Romans, and he makes out a good case when he argues that Strabo. wrote his Geography in the interest of Pythodoris, Queen of Pontus. Even the great respect shown by Strabo for Augustus, Rome, and Tiberius is to be explained
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by the circumstances in which he found himself; for subject-princes had to be. obsequious. ‘to, Rome, and as for Pythodoris, she owed her, throne to Augustus fully as:much as to Polemon. | It. was good business, therefore, that necessitated the retouching of the:-book “and ‘the insertion in it of ‘the many compliments: to Tiberius+all of which were added after the accession’ of that prince, and for fear of him, rather than out of respect for him. | )) 51)
~The question as to: when-and where’ Strabo wrote his. geographical work has, long been a, burning one in circles interested: in: Strabo: criticism. .Niese seemed to settle the question; when he maintained that Strabo wrote his Historical Geography at Rome, at the instigation of Roman friends who occupied ex+ alted positions in:the political world of Rome; and that ‘he acted as)» the companion of those friends, accompanying one of . them, \Aelius Gallus, | from Rome το Egypt, and retarning with him to Rome; and further that it’ was’ at: Rome that he wrote his Geography, between the years 18 and 19 a.v. Inthe main, scholars had accepted the views of Niese, until Pais entered’ the field: with his thesis. that Strabo wrote his work, not δὲ thé instigation of politiciansat — Rome, but' from the’ point of view of ἃ Greek from Asia Minor, and in‘ the interest of Greeks ‘of that region ; thatthe material for the Geography was collected at Alexandria ‘and Rome, but that the actual writing of the book and the retouching of it-at a later period were done at Amasia, far from Rome—
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a fact which’ accounts for: his;omissions of events, his errors, his misstatements, his lack of information eoncerning, and. his’ failure to, mention, occurrences that would surely have found a place in his book if it had been written in. Rome; it accounts, too, for the! surprising fact’ that Strabo’s Geography was not known to the Romans—not even. to, Pliny—although it was well-known in. ithe Bashy for J i lie aisaet frond δ: οἷν ioidia Τὸ go inate veloas more. santana into this ἡδίω, it may be stated that Strabo mentions Tiberius more than twenty times, but the,events he describes are all:connected: with the civil wars that occurred after the death of Caesar and with the period in the life of Augustus that falls between. the Battle of Actium (in 31 8.6.) and 7 B.c.. He rarely mentions events in, the life of Augustus, between 6 B.c, and 14 a:v., and, as, he takes every opportunity to praise Augustus and 'Tiberius, such omissions could not, be accounted for if he wrote his Geography about 18 Δ Ὁ: The conclusion reached, by Pais is that) Strabo wrote the book before 5 8.6: and shortly after 9, B.c., or, in other words, about 7 s.c. Such matters as the defeat) of Varus and the triumph, of. Germanicus were not contained in the original publication of the work, and°were inserted in the revised edition, which was made about the year: 18 a.p. Τῆς list of the Roman provinces governed by the Roman Senate, on the last page of the book, was written between 22 B.c, and 11 s.c., and Strabo himself says. that. it. was XXV
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antiquated ; it was retouched about 7 B.c.,; not at Rome, but far from Rome. The facts are similar in the mention he makes of the liberality of Tiberius to the cities of Asia Minor that’ had been destroyed by earthquakes; in the case of the: coronation of Zeno as king of Armenia Major (18)a.p.), and» in the case of the death of Juba, which occurred not later than 23 a.p., Strabo made no ‘use. of the map of Agrippa—an omission with which he has been reproached—for the very good: reason that the map of Agrippa had not been completed in 7 Bc. i
‘If Strabo first’ published his Geography in 7 B.c., it appeared when he was fifty-six or fifty-seven years old, at a time when he was still in full possession of all his physical and mental powers. But if we say, with ‘Niese ‘and his followers, that the work was written between 18 and 19 a.p., we thereby maintain that Strabo began to write his Geography when he had ‘passed the eighth decade of his life: He him- self compares his book to a colossal statue, and it, is incredible that he could have ‘carried out such a stupendous work after having passed his eigbibeth year.
‘Strabo is so well-known as a mcauneitate that it is often forgotten that he was ἃ historian before he was a geographer. Indeed it may be believed that he is a geographer because he had been» a historian, and that the material for his Geography was collected along with that for his Historical Sketches, which comprised forty-seven books (see
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1. 1.,.22-23, and 2..1..9, and, footnotes).. But his Geography alone has come down to us. In this con- nexion it will be useful, to read Strabo’s own account
of his Historical Sketches and his Geography: “In /
short, this book of mine should be generally useful —useful alike to the statesman and to the, public at large—as was my work on History. In this. work, as in that, I mean by ‘statesman,’ not the man who
is wholly uneducated, but the man who-has taken - the round of courses usual in the case of freemen |
or of students of philosophy. For the, man who ~~
has given no thought to virtue and to practical ‘ wisdom, and ,to what has been written about them, ν΄
would not be able even to form a valid, opinion either in censure or in praise; nor yet to pass judg- ment upon the matters of historical fact that are worthy of being recorded in this treatise. And so, after 1 had. written my Historical Sketches, which have been useful, I suppose, for moral and political philosophy, I determined to write the present treatise also; for this work itself is based on the same plan, and is addressed to the same class of readers, and particularly to men of exalted stations in life. Furthermore, just as in my Historical Sketches only the incidents in the lives of distinguished men are recorded, while deeds that are petty and ignoble are omitted, so in this work also I must leave untouched what is petty and inconspicuous, and devote my attention to what is noble and great, and to what contains the practically useful, or memorable, or
XXVii
΄
INTRODUCTION
entertaining. Now just/as in judging of the merits of colossal statues we do not examine each ‘individual part with minute care, but rather consider’ the general effect and endeavour to see it the statue as a whole. ‘is’ pleasing, so should this’ book of mine be judged. For it, too, is a colossal work, in ‘that’ it deals with the facts about ‘large ‘things’ only, and wholes, except ds some petty ‘thing’ may’ stir the interest’ of ‘the ‘studious or the ‘practical man, 1 have said thus much to show thatthe present’ work is a serious one” “and one. —* se a a CEO) IBA SS 2 ΟΡ AEUTARM Kid OL. aig eng ‘The Geography ‘of Strabo: is’ ἊΝ inbre than a mere geography. It is ‘an’ enteyelopaedia of ‘in- formation: concerning the various countries’ of ‘the Inhabited World as known at the’ beginning of ‘the Christian era; ἴδ᾽ is an’ historical geography ; and, as’ Dubois and Tozer ~— out, ie is a na Hint. " geography: MA id’ a
XxXvili
BIBLIOG RAPHY _ AL! »βομ μοι. In Fleckeisen’s Jahr, fi ‘Philol. 1857) ὍΝ Th. Bergk : In Philologus, 1870, 679. 3 In Rhein. Mus. 1882, 298) 889 a> ,, Ymendat. Onomatolog. Halle, 1859. . In Neue Jahrbiicher, 1860, 416. : G. N. Bernadakis: Symbolae’ criticae, vel censura Cobeti ~\emendationum in Strabonem. Leipzig, 1877. G. N. Bernadakis : Zu Strabon. Tn eue Jahrbiicher, 1876, 504. G. Bernhardy : Analecta in Geograph Graecorum minores. Halle, 1850. F. Biicheler: Conjectanea. In Neue Jahr bticher, 1875, 305. ©. Bursian : Geographie von Griechenland. Leipzig, 1862-72. P. Cascorbi: Observationes Strabonianae. Greifswald, 1879. C. 6. Cobet’: Miscellanea critica quibus continentur observa. tiones criticae in scriptores Gruecos praesertim Homerum et Demosthenem. Ad Strabonem, pp. 104 ff., 169 ff., “906 ff. “Also in Mnemosyne, 1876, 79 ff., 176 ff. . C. G. Cobet : Syllabus Errorum, i in Mnemosyne, 1876, 913. A. ᾿Οοτὰϊβ : Σημέειώσεις εἰς τὰ Στράβωνος Γεωγραφικά. awa 1819. E. Curtius : Peloponnesus. Gotha, 1851-52. In Zeitschrift Sf. Alterthumswissenachaft, 1852. Ay Dederich : In Fleckeisen’s Jahrb. oe Philol. 1879, 66. M. G. Demitsas: Kpitixal Διορθώσεις eis Στράβωνα,. In ᾿Αϑήναιον, 1879, 415. , L. Dindorf: In Neue Jahrbiicher, 1869, 11 and 124. W. Dittenberger: On ᾿᾽Ομβρίκοί in the first article on Ethnica und Verwanites. In’ Hermes, 1906, 87. “On Θρᾳκικά. “In Hermes, 1907, 195. A. Forbiger : Strabo’s Erdbeschreibung iibersetzt und durch τς Anmerkungen erldutert, Stuttgart, published at intervals after 1856 (1905-1908).
xxix
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C. Frick: Jahresbericht. In Bursian’s Jahreshericht, 1880, 536.
. Frick " Zur troischen Frage. In Neue Jahrbiicher, 1876,
289 ff.
. Geffcken: Saturnia Tellus. In Hermes, 1892, 381.
. G. Groskurd: Strabons Erdbeschreibuny. 4 vols. Berlin
and Stettin, 1831.
. F. J. Gosselin: The Notes signed ‘‘G” in the Translation of de la Porte du Theil, Corais, and Letronne.
von Gutschmid: In Neue Jahrbiicher, 1861, . 304, jand 1873, 418.
. Haase : Bimendationes faciles. Breslau, 1858.
. Hercher: In Philologus, 1852, 553. .
. Hirschfeld: Die Abkunft des Mithridates von Pergamon
_ (on Strabo 625 C.). In Hermes, 1879, 474.
Jacob: Curae. Strabonianae. In Revue de Philoloyle, 1912, 148. It also contains a Collation for Book IV. of the Paris MSS. A Ὁ and 8.
H. Kallenberg: Straboniana. Beitriige zur Teathritik, und Erkidrung. In Rhein. Mus. 1912, 174. ..
L, Kayser: Review of Meineke’s Edition and of his Vindiciae
eRe ORE, in Neue Jahrbiicher f. Philol. 1854, 258, 73
4 Wad > Ww as a
L. Kayser: Review, of Cobet’s. Variae lectiones. In Neue Jahrbiicher, 1856, 166.
A. Kirchhoff: In Hermes, 1866, 420.
C. Kontos: In Bull, de Corr. Hell. 1877, 60, and 1878, 236.
H. Kothe: In Neue Jahrbiicher, 1888, 826.
G. Kramer: Strabonis Geographica recensuit commentario critico instruxit. 3 vols. Berlin, 1844.
G. L. Kriegk: Ueber, die thessalische dibene.. In Neue
Jahrbiicher, 1859, 231 ff.
R. Kunze: Zu Griechischen GARGTERR OF In Rhein. Mus. 1901, 333.
G. M. Lane: Smyrnaeorum res gestae et antiquitates. Gottingen, 1851. ' |
oO. A. Lobeck: In Kénigsberger Ind. Lect. 1828...
M, Liidecke: De fontibus quibus usus, Arrianus Anahasin composuit. In Leipziger Studien, xi. 14 (on Strabo 70.C.).
I. N. Madvig: Adversaria critica ad scriptores graecos. Ad Strabonem: I., 520. Havn, 1871.
ἈΧΧ
eR aan i 5
eile le iia
BIBLIOGRAPHY
A. Meineke: Strabonis Geographica recognovit<, 3 vols. Leipzig, 1866. The Praefatio contains merely a state- ment of the points in which his text differs from that of Kramer. ° Ἷ
A. Meineke: Vindiciarum Strabendarune liber, Berlin, 1852. Contains much that Meineke did not insert in his text.
C. Meltzer: In Fleckeisen’s Jahrb. f. Philol. 1873, 193:
L. Mercklin : Zu Strabo (v. 230)... In. Philologus, 1863, 134:
KE, Meyer: Forschwngen zur alten Geschichte. ‘Halle’ A/S,
1892. . KE. Meyer: Nochmals der AOTOXS des Konige Pausanias, " ermes, 1907, 134.
ΟΡ Meyer: Straboniana. Grimma, 1889-1890.
A. Miller : Emendationum in Strabonis aber um 1: ‘specimen. Bamberg, 1858. A. Miller : In Zos, 1865, 25... she In Bldtter fiir lng Gymn. 1874, 145 and 1878,
259. . Miller: Die Alexandergeschichte nach Strabo. I. Theil. Wiirzburg, 1852. ‘Miiller: Index variae lectionis to the Miiller-Diibner Edition. Miller: In Philologus, 1876, 74; 1877, 78. In Philol. ᾿ Anzeiger, 1873, 507. B. Niese : Emendationes Strabonianae.. Marburg, 1878. L. Pareti: Di un lucgo Straboniano su Regio. In Atene ὁ Roma, 1913, 14 ff. L. Paul: Das Druidenthum. In Neue Jahrbiicher, 1892, 786. N. Piccolos: In Philologus, 1860, 727. L ᾿ Rademacher : Observationum et Webi Alt variarum imen. In Juhrbiicher, 1895, 248. M. Rostowzew : Πυθόλαος (Strabo xvi. 4, 14 1.). In Archiv. no PP Reon Vv. 1.0.5, tol, .." L. Ross: Reisen auf den Inseln des griechischen Meeres. Stuttgart and Halle, 1845-49-52. L. Ross: Reisen tm Peloponnesus. _ Berlin, 1841. G. Fe Interpretazione di un luogo di Strabone. Napoli, ™ 185 L. rere vie In Miinchner Gelehrte Anzeigen, 1845, 633 and 1848 A. Schifer : Ta Philologus, 1872, 184.
πῶ ΚΘ»
ΧΧΧῚ
BIBLIOGRAPHY
H. Schrader: In Neue Jahrbiicher, 1868, vige 186 G. Schultze: Varia. In Hermes, 1893, 31.008! , A. Tardieu: In his J’ranslation of Strabo. W. Tomaschek : Miscellen aus der alten Geograph In Zeitschrift f. dsterr. Gymn. 1867, 691. Pi Ὃς Losi: In Studi italiani di: filologia Vdidbstihns 17, 463. H. F. Tozer: Selections from Strabo. Oxford, 1893. 7 T. @ Tucker: Emendations in’ Strabo and Plutarch’s Moralia. In Classical Quarterly, 1909,99.. 8 T. Tyrwhitt : Coniecturae in Strabonem. Erlangen, 1788. Il. Urlichs : In Rhein. Mus. f. Philol. 1856, 465. δ A. Vogel: Jahresberichte in Phalologus, 1880, 326, and 1881, 309, 508. Us von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff: Griechisches Lesebuch Short selections from Strabo. U. v. Wilamowitz- bese τ Paverge. Jn Hermes 1878, 168. ; eco sig ὦ ta Κ' κόνιν aR, go? MANUSORIPTS / & “Strabo was not much read in antiquity : ina sense he wis discovered in Byzantine times; copies of his work were rare, and apparently at one time the only manuscript extant was the so-called archetype, from which all the manuscripts now extant are descended. This seems clear because all, the mistakes, the changes in the text, the transposed sentences, all the gaps, particularly the great ap at the end ὁ . the seventh book, are reproduced in all the manuscripts. . The modern editions, beginning with that of G. Kramer, are based on the Paris manuscript No. 1397 for the first. nine books (it contains no more), while hooks 10 to 17 are based ¢ on the Vatican manuscript No. 1329, on the Epitome Vaticana, and on the Venetian manuscript No. 640... ut the Epitome which goes back to the end of the tenth ontas ‘was bas on 8 manuscript which still contained the end εἰ Book. V vit
J. Groeger : Quaestiones Eustathianae. De codicibus tage Herodott Arriani ab Eustathio in comme Dionysit periegesin usurpatis, _Trebnitz, 1911. 5
G. Kramer: Commentatio critica de codicibus, qui Strabonis geographia continent, manu scriptis. Berlin, 1845. And
also in the Preface to his large edition, pp. 10-83.
xxxii
BIBLIOGRAPHY
A. Jacob: Curae Strabonianae. In Revue de Philologre, [0 1919. 170000 E.... Rollig : De codicibus Straboniamss gut libros. I-IX cantina. Halle, sampcele
FRAGMENTS
G. Cozza-Luzi : ‘Dell antico codice della geografia di i Strabone scoperto nei palinsesti della badia di Grottoferrata. Rome, 1875.
G. Cozza-Luzi: Del piu antico testo della geografia di Strabone nei frammenti scopertt in membrane palinseste. Rome, 1884-98.
6. Cozza-Luzi: Frammenti della geografia di Strabone. In Studi in Italia, vii. 1.
D. Detlefsen : In Berl. philol. Wochenschrift, 1885, 1122.
R. Hansen: In Philologische Rundschau, v :
G. Kramer : Fragmenta libri VIT. ε codd. prim. ed. Berlin, 1843.
Θ. Kramer: Zu Strabo. "Handschrift aus Grotteferrata. In Hermes, 1876, 375. _.
R, Kunze: Strabobruchstitcke bei Eustathius und Stephanus
τ Byzantius. In Rhein. Mus. 1903, 126. ‘
R. Kunze : Unbeachtete Strabofragmente. In Rhein. Mus. 1902, 437: ᾿
P. Otto : Strabonis " Ἱστορικῶν Ὑπομνημάτων Pele eaies conlegit et enarravit adjectis quaestionibus Strabonianis. In
- Leipziger Studien xi. Suppl. 1889, 1.
I. Partsch: In Deutsche Litteratur- Zeitung, 1885, 646,
V. Strazzula: Dopo le Strabone Vaticano del Cozza-Luzi. Messina, 1901.
G.'L. FY Tafel: Fragmenta nov. curis emend. ἐΐ illustr. Tiibingen, 1844.
A. Vogel: In Philologischer Anzeiger, 1886, 103.
3 Zu Strabo. In Hermes, 1884: (vol: 42), 539. The Epitome is best found in C. Miiller’s Geen Graeci
Minores, 88, 529.
OKA
LANGUAGE
O. Birke: De particularum μή et οὐ usu Polybiano Disriysiace Diodoreo Straboniano. Leipzig, 1907.
XXxXiii VOL. I. B
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P. Cascorbi: Observationes Strabonianae. Géttingen, 1879."
C. G. Cobet: Syllabus errorum. In Mnemosyne, 1876, 213.
H. Kallenberg: Straboniana, Beitrdge zur Textkritik und Erklérung. In Rhein. Mus. 1912, 174.
J. Keim: Sprichwérter und paditediehiicls Deborliafirving bet Strabo. Tiibingen, 1909.
H. Schindler: De Diodori Siculi et Strabonis enuntiationum _relativarum attractione. Pars Prior: De admissa attrac- _tione. Frankenstein (Silesia), 1909.
On THE SOURCES FROM WHICH STRABO DREW.
G, Beloch : Le fontidi Strabone nelle descrizione della Bile; pania. Rome, 1882.
H. Berger: Die geographischen Rragmenis des Hipparch, Leipzig, 1869.
H, Berger : Die geographischen j Sak Sle des Bratosthenes, Leipzig, 1880.
Η.. Berger; Geschichte der wiesenschafitichen Erdkunde der Griechen. 1887-93.
G. Bernhardy : Hratosthenica, Berlin, 1822.
R. Dabritz: De Artemidoro Strabonis auctore capita tria.
ον Leipzig, 1905.
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τ Strabon et Polybe. In Revue des Ktudes Grecques,
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A. H.-L. Heeren: De fontibus Geographicorum Strabonis commentationes duae. Gdttingen, 1825.
F. Hennicke: De Strabonis Geographiae fide, ex fontium unde hausit auctoritate aestimanda. Gottingen, 1791. ὁ
U. Hofer: Hine gemeinsame Quelle Strabons und des sog. Skymnos. Saarbriicken, 1901.
G. Hunrath: Die ‘Quellen Strabo’s im sechsten Buche. Cassel, 1879. : +
XXXiV
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G. Hunrath: In Bursian’s Jahresberichi, 1879, 311, and 1880, 93.
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XXXV
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STUDIES ON STRABO_
D. Bartolini : Pro Strabone. In stieneo Veneto, Manel 1884, EK. Beretta: Solution de problémes historiques. Les: Cités Mystérieuses de Strabon dans la région Cavare (Comiat
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kK. Castorchis : Περὶ τῶν ἐν Ναυπλίᾳ παναρχαίων pois 3 wall τῶν αὐτόθι ὑπὸ Στράβωνος μνημονευομένων λαβυρίνθων."" In *"A@hvaov, 1879, 515.
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H. Diels: Herodot ‘und Hecataios. ‘In: ‘Serthes, 1887, 443.
W. Dorpfeld: Zum Hiaitischen Golf, In Hermes, 1911, 444.
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L. Erhardt: Der Auszug der Cimbern bei Strabo. In Philologus, 1893, 557.
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XXXVi
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A. Gronovius: Varia Geographica, eae Animadver-
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A. Hibler: Die Nord- und Westkiisten Hispaniens, ein Bei-
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Bot
XXXVii
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F. Meyer: Botanische Erlduterwngen. Kénigsberg, 1852. ἡ.
H. Middendorf: Ueber die Gegend der Varusschlacht nach Vellejus und Strabo, etc. Miinster, 1868. )
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K. J. Neumann: Strabons Landeskunde..von Kaukasien: Leipzig, 1883. '
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L. Paul: Das Druidenthum. In Neue Jahrbiicher,. 1892, 786.
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A. Philippson: Zur Geographie der unteren Kaitkos- Ebene in Kleimasien... In Hermes, 1911, 254.
A. J. Reinach: Delphes et les Bastarnes. In Bull. Corr. Hell. 1910, 249.
H. Rid: Die Rlimatologie in den Geographica Strabos. Ein Beitrag zur physischen Geographie der Griechen, Kaisers- lautern, 1903.
H. Rid: Klimalehre der alten Griechen ine den Geographica Strabos.’ Kaisersliutern, 1904.
W. Ridgeway : Contributions to Strabo’s Geography. In Classical Review, 1888, 84.
C. Robert : Athena Skiras und die Skirophorien. In Hermes, 1885, 349.
G. Ruge: Quaestiones Strabonianae. Leipzig, 1888.
A. Schulten : Polybius und Posidonius tiber Iberien und die iberischen Kriege. In Hermes, 1911, 568.
A. Serbin: Bemerkungen tiber den Vulkanismus und Beschreib- ung der den Griechen bekannten vulkanischen Gebiete, Berlin, 1893.
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XXXViii
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E. Schweder: Bettrdge zur Kritik der Chorographie des Augustus. Kiel, 1878. ison
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393. E. Wendling: Zu Posidonius und Varro. In Hermes, 1893, 346. , rate - U. v. Wilamowitz-Moellendorff: Die Herkunft der Magneten ες am Moeander.. In Hermes, 1895, 177. . U. Wilcken : Hin Theopompfragment in den neuen Hellanika. In Hermes, 1908, 475. ; E. Ziebarth : Die Strabo-Scholion des Cyriacus von Ankona. Tn Mittheil. des Athen. Instit. 1898, 196. seit
Earty EDITIONS
The editio princeps was published by Aldus in Venice in 1516, from a poor manuscript, Par. No. 1395. Then came the folio editions of Basle in 1549 and 1571 by G. Xylander. Xylander’s work was revised and supplied with a com- mentary by Isaac Casaubon in 1587 (folio). In 1620 Casaubon replaced this with his own edition, which was accompanied by Xylander’s Latin translation and_ notes by F. Morrellius: _Casaubon’s ‘edition did much for the text of the first three books, and Strabo is usually cited by Casaubon’s pages (C). Next came the Amsterdam edition by T. J. van Almaloyeen in 1707, in two folio volumes. Strabo is sometimes cited by his pages (A). In 1763 Bréquigny published the first three books (quarto) ion the basis of a Paris manuscript. In 1796 the Leipzig (octavo) edition was begun: the first volume was revised by J: By Siebenkees; the five following volumes by C. H. Tzschucke; theseventh volume by F. T. Friedmann. ' The first six volumes give the text and a revision of Xylander’s Latin translation, and the seventh volume contains notes. In 1807 appeared at
ΧΧΧΙΧ
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Oxford the edition by T. Falconer in two folio volumes ; much criticised. Between the years 1815 and 1819 Corais published the Greek text in three volumes, accompanied by a fourth volume containing valuable notes in Modern Greek.
MopeErnN ΕἸΡΙΤΙΟΝΒ
Corais: Στράβωνος Γεωγραφικῶν BiBAla Ἑπτακαίδεκα. 4 νο]8. Paris, 1815. ἐξ tes ernie Kramer :, Strabonis Geographica recensuit, commentario critico instruxit. 3 vols. Berlin, 1844. wi _ Meineke: Strabonis. Geographica recognovit. 3 vols. Leipzig, 1852. Various stereotype reprints since, = . Miiller—F. Diibner: Strabonis Geographica graece cum versione reficta accedit index variantis lectionis et tabula ἢ rerum nominumque locupletissima. Paris, 1853. Pars rior. . C. Miiller—F. Diibner: Pars, altera. Apparatu critico indicibus rerum nominumque locupletissimis tabulis aeri incisis quindecim instruxit Carolus Miillerus. Paris, 1858.
QP 2 Pp
M. Bouquet: Recweil des historiens des Gaules. In vol. i. Paris, 1738. py sy ἅ Sara P, Carolides : Γεωγραφικῶν τὰ περὶ Mixpas ᾿Ασίας μετὰ Σημειώ- σεων Ἑρμηνευτικῶν, Athens, 1889. ἝΝ K. Cougny : Hxtraits des auteurs grecs concernant la géographie et Chistotre des Gaules. Texte et traduction nouvelle. Paris, 1878. ; εἰ τ Η. F. Tozer; Selections from Strabo, with an Introduction on Strabo’s Life and Works. Oxford, 1893. δ ΝῊ
i
Earty TRANSLATIONS
The Latin translation by Guarinus Veronensis and Grego: vius Tifernas appeared in Rome in 1472 (folio), more than forty years before the publication of the Aldine Greek text. .The translation was made from better manuscripts than that used in the Aldine edition, but these have since perished. The first ten books were translated by Guarinus and the remainder by Tifernas. This translation was revised by J. Andreas
xl
en ee ee eee SL oe eS F
Lee ee ee,
ee oo
Se
BIBLIOGRAPHY .
(Venice 1480); edited and republished by A. Mancellinus (Venice 1494); republished 1510; revised by C. Heresbach (Basle 1523, folio)’; republished’ in Basle 1539 (folio); re- published by M. Hopper in Lyons 1559 in two volumes ; republished in’ Amsterdam in 1652 in’ two volumes; and the same’ translation appeared in the Basle edition of 1571 as revised by G. Xylander. The Latin of the translation was so good that it supplanted, for a time, the Greek text, but it has now been superseded by the Latin ‘translation in the Didot edition. The translation of the first six books is by Ἐπ Diibner; ‘and that ‘of ‘the other nine books “by C. Miller. At» the suggestion © of Napoleon 1. the 8 ana of a translation into French was undertaken y the French Government with the advice of the Institut. The first fifteen books are by A. Corais and Laporte du Theil, the sixteenth and seventeenth books are by A. Letronne ; the notes signed ‘‘G” are by Gosselin, and are geographical in nature. The work was published in five uarto volumes in Paris between’ the years 1805 and 1819. The first German translation was made by A. J. Penzel, Lemgo, 1775-1777... There is an Italian ‘translation by Ambrosoli, Milan 1834-1835 (I have not been able to consult it).
TRANSLATIONS (used by the present translator)
The Latin Translation in the Miiller-Diibner edition. A. Buonaccivoli: La geograjia di Strabone tradotta in volgare Italiano. La prima parte in Venetia, 1662. Lase onda ‘parte in Ferrara, 1665 EK, Cougny: EHaxtraits des auteurs grecs concernant la géo- graphie et UVhistoire des Gaules. \'Texte et traduction nouvelle publiés pour la Société de histoire de France. Paris, 1878. a A. Forbiger: Strabo’s Erdbeschreibung wibersetzt und durch Anmerkungen erldutert.. 4 vols. - Stuttgart, 1856-1860. Stereotype reprints at intervals since (1905-1908). C G, Groskurd: Strabons Hrdbeschreibung in siebenzehn ~ Biichern nach berichtigtem griechischen Texte ‘unter Begleitung kritischer erkidrender Anmerkungen verdeutscht. 4 vols. - Berlin and Stettin, 1831-1834,
xli
BIBLIOGRAPHY
H. C Hamilton and W. Falconer: The Geography of Strabo, literally translated. 3 vols. London ἀΡ ΡΝ s Classical Library. Reprint, 1892-93).
K. Karcher : Strabo’s Geographie tibersetet. Stuttgart, 1851.
E. Malgeri: χ VI. libro della geografia (antica Italia, Sicilia, Iapigia) tradotto e commentato. ‘Traduzione corredata di una indice geografico. Palermo, 1897. )
de la Porte du Theil, A. Coray, et A. Letronne : Gtograsibia de Strabon, traduite du grec en francais. 5 vale: i Poviay 1805-1819. © |
G.'Sottini: Geograjfia del? Italia antica tradotia e erretata di una introduzione e note per uso delle scuole classiche. Pisa, 1882. .
A. Tardieu : Géographie de Strabon. Traduction nouvelle, 4 vols. Paris, 1909 (Third Editions )
Srraso’s OrniGin, Brratu, Lirzr, Tracurers, TRAVELS, Date or CoMPOSITION OF BIS WoRK
en : History of Ancient Geography, 1883, “ii
A. Forbiger: In his Handbuch der alten Geographie, i. 302.
G. Fritz: De Strabone Stoicorum disciplinae addicto. Miinster, 1906.
A. Hiabler: Hat Strabo seine Geographie in Rom verfasst ? In Hermes, 1884, 235.
J. Hasenmiiller : De Strabonis geographi vita. Bonn, 1863.
E.. Meyer: Geschichte des Kénigreichs Pontus. Leipzig,
P. Meyer : Quaestiones Strabonianae.. In Leipziger Studien,
Th. Mommsen : Res gestae divi Augusti.. Berlin, 1883.
B. Niese: Bettrdge zur Biographie Strabos. In Hermes, 1878, 33.
E. Pais: The Time and Place in which Strabo composed his Geography. In Ancient Italy (English translation). London, 1908, 379.
E. Pais: Straboniana. In Rivista di Filologia, 1886, 97.
W. Passow: De Lratosthenis aetate. In Genethliacon Glottingense, 1888, 122.
F. M. Schroter: De Strabonis itineribus. Leipzig, 1874.
xlii
ie a a)
BIBLIOGRAPHY
G. Siebelis: De Straboms patria, genere, aetate, operis insti- tuto atque ratione qua vet. descripsit Graeciam. Bautzen, 1828.
E. Stemplinger: Strabons litterarhistorische Notizen. Miinchen,
H. F. Tozer: Selections from Strabo with an Introduction on Strabo's Life and Works. Oxford, 1893.
C. H. Weller: The Evidence for Strabo’s Travels in Greece. In Classical Philology, 1906, 339; see also A.J.A. 1906, 84,
xiii
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1. Τῆς τοῦ φιλοσόφου πραγματείας εἶναι νομί- ἕομεν, εἴπερ ἄλλην. τινά, καὶ τὴν sepyea trey ἣν νῦν προῃρήμεθα ἐπισκοπεῖν. ὅτι ὃ οὐ φαύλως νομίζομεν, ἐκ πολλῶν δῆλον. οἵ τε γὰρ πρῶτοι θαρρήσαντες αὐτῆς ἅψασθαι τοιοῦτοι δή τινες ὑπῆρξαν" “Ὅμηρός τε καὶ ᾿Αναξίμανδρος ὁ Μι- λήσιος καὶ “Ἑκαταῖος, ὁ πολίτης αὐτοῦ, καθὼς καὶ ᾿Ερατοσθένης φησί: καὶ Δημόκριτος δὲ καὶ Εὔδοξος καὶ Δικαίαρχος κα καὶ Ἔφορος καὶ ἄλλοι πλείους" ἔτι δὲ οἱ μετὰ τούτους, ᾿Ερατοσθένης τε καὶ Πολύβιος καὶ Ποσειδώνιος, ἄνδρες φιλόσοφοι. ij TE πολυμάθεια, δι᾽ ἧς μόνης ἐ ἱκέσθαι τοῦδε τοῦ ἔργου δυνατόν, οὐκ ἄλλου τινός ἐστιν, ἢ τοῦ τὰ θεῖα καὶ τὰ ἀνθρώπεια ἐπιβλέποντος, ὧ ὧνπερ τὴν φιλοσοφίαν ἐπιστήμην φασίν. ὡς δ᾽ αὕτως καὶ ἡ ὠφέλεια ποικίλη τις οὖσα, ἡ μὲν πρὸς τὰς πολι- τικὰς " καὶ τὰς ἡγεμονικὰς πράξεις, ἡ δὲ πρὸς ἐπιστήμην τῶν τε οὐρανίων καὶ τῶν ἐπὶ γῆς καὶ θαλάττης ζῴων καὶ φυτῶν καὶ καρπῶν καὶ τῶν
1 τοιοῦτοι δή τινες, Corais, on MS. authority, for τοιοῦτοί τινες. 2 τὰς πολιτικάς, Spengel, for τὰ πολιτικά.
2
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THE GEOGRAPHY OF STRABO BOOK I een
_ 1, Tue science of Geography, which I now propose to investigate, is, I think, quite as much as any other science, a concern of the philosopher; and the cor- rectness of my view is clear for many reasons. In the first place, those who in earliest times ventured to treat the subject were, in their way, philosophers
—Homer, Anaximander of Miletus, and Anaximan- der’s fellow-citizen Hecataeus—just as Eratosthenes
has already said ; philosophers, too, were Democritus, Eudoxus, Dicaearchus, Ephorus, with several others of their times; and further, their suecessors—Eratos- thenes, Polybius, and Poseidonius—were philosophers, In the second place, wide learning, which alone makes it possible to undertake a work on geography, is pos- sessed solely by the man who has investigated things both human and divine—knowledge of which, they say, constitutes philosophy. . And so, too, the utility of geography—and its utility is manifold, not only as regards the activities of statesmen and comman- ders but also as regards knowledge both of the heavens and of things on land and sea, animals, plants, fruits, and everything else to be seen in
3
STRABO
εἰς id 3 al ’ € / 3 ; Ν 3 \ ἄλλων, ὅσα ἰδεῖν παρ᾽ ἑκάστοις ἐστί, τὸν αὐτὸν e 4 νΝ Ἁ / fo] \ \ ὑπογράφει ἄνδρα, Tov φροντίζοντα τῆς περὶ Tov βίον τέχνης καὶ εὐδαιμονίας.
2. ᾿Αναλαβόντες δὲ καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἐπισκοπῶμεν
a 3 7 4 tal a ‘eae a TOV εἰρημένων ἔτι μᾶλλον. Kal πρῶτον ὅτι ὀρθῶς ὑπειλήφαμεν καὶ ἡμεῖς καὶ οἱ πρὸ ἡμῶν, ὧν ἐστι καὶ Ἵππαρχος, ἀρχηγέτην εἶναι τῆς γεωγραφικῆς ἐμπειρίας “Ομηρον' ὃς οὐ μόνον ἐν τῇ κατὰ τὴν
’ > “Ὁ LA «ς / \ , ποίησιν ἀρετῇ πάντας ὑπερβέβληται τοὺς πάλαι καὶ τοὺς ὕστερον, ἀλλὰ σχεδόν τι καὶ τῇ κατὰ τὸν pe > , x , ΟΣ 4.3 ᾽ f Btoy 5 sea hinge “πολιτικὸν, age ἧς οὐ poston περὶ τὰς πράξεις ἐσπούδασεν ἐκεῖνος, ὅπως ὅτι πλείστας γνοίη. καὶ παραδώσει. τοῖς ὕστερον ἐσο- μένοις, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ περὶ τοὺς τόπους τούς τε καθ' ἕκαστα καὶ τοὺς κατὰ σύμπασαν τὴν οἰκουμένην; γῆν τε καὶ θάλατταν. οὐ yap’ ἂν μέχρι “τῶν ἐσχάτων αὐτῆς περάτων ἀφίετε τῇ μνήμῃ. κύκλῳ περιιών.
8. Καὶ πρῶτον μὲν τῷ ὠκεαυῷ: ᾿ηγρακνακόμη domep ἐστίν, ἀπέφαινεν αὐτήν" ἔπειτα δὲ τῶν χωρίων τὰ μὲν ὠνόμαξε, τὰ δὲ ὑπῃνίττετο τεκμη- ρίοις τισί, Διβύην μὲν καὶ Αἰθιοπίαν καὶ Σιδονί- ous Kal ‘EpepBovs, ods εἰκὸς λέγειν. Τρωγλοδύτας “Apapas; p ῥητῶς λέγων, τοὺς "δὲ, πρὸς ταῖς ἀνατο- λαῖς καὶ δύσεσιν αἰνιττόμενος ἐκ τοῦ 'τῷ ὠκξανῷ
μ
κλύξεσθαι. ἐντεῦθεν yap ἀν ore ποιεῖ τὸν
----
1 For Strabo’s definition of Libya see 17. 3. 1.
πεν
ΠΥ ΠΕ ΡΥ ΡΥ ΓΝ
YP ait a Nee a ag a mee
GEOGRAPHY, τς 1. 1-3
various regions—the utility of. geography, I-say, pre- supposes in the geographer the same philosopher, the man who busies himself with the investigation of the art of life, that is, of happiness. ἡ
2. But I must go back and consider each one of these points in greater detail; and, first, I say that both I and my predecessors, one. of whom.was Hip- parchus himself, are right in regarding Homer.as the founder of the science of geography; for Homer has surpassed all men, both of ancient and modern times, not only in the excellence of his poetry, but. also, 1 might say, in his acquaintance with all that pertains to, public life.. And. this acquaintance made. him busy himself not.only about public activities, to the end that he might learn of as many_of them as possible and give an account of them to posterity, but also about the geography both of the individual countries and of the inhabited world at large, both land and sea; for otherwise he would not have gone to the uttermost bounds of the inhabited world, encompassing the whole of it in his description.
3. In. the: first place; Homer declares that the inhabited world is washed on all,sides by Oceanus, and this is true; and then he mentions some of the countries by name, while he leaves us to infer the other countries from hints; for instance, he expressly mentions Libya,! Ethiopia, Sidonians, and Erembians—and by Erembians ‘he probably means Arabian. Troglodytes ?—whereas_ he only. indicates in general terms the people who live in the far east and the far west by saying that their countries are washed by Oceanus. For he makes the sun to
2 **Cave-dwellers.” They lived on the western shores of the Red Sea. 23 toni :
5
STRABO ἥλιον καὶ δυόμενον εἰς τοῦτον, ὡς δ᾽ αὕτως καὶ τὰ ἄστρα"
ἠέλιος μὲν ἔπειτα νέον προσέβαλλεν ἀ ἀρούρας," ἐξ ag μς βαθυρρόου ᾿᾽Ωκεανοῖο.
(ἱ. 1. 421) ἐν δ᾽ ἔπεσ᾽ Ὠλεανῷ λαμπρὸν φάος ἠελίοιο, ἕλκον νύκτα μέχαιναν.3 , (11. 8. 485)
καὶ τοὺς ἀστέρας δὲδ λελουμένους ἐξ ὠκεανοῦ λέγειν. (11. ὅ. .6)
4, Τῶν δ᾽ ἑσπερίων ἀνδρῶν καὶ τὴν εὐδαιμονίαν ἐμφανίξει καὶ τὴν εὐκρασίαν τοῦ περιέχοντος, πεπυσμένος, ὡς ἔοικε, τὸν ᾿Ιβηρικὸν πλοῦτον, ἐφ᾽ ὃν καὶ Ἡρακλῆς ἐ ἐδτρᾶτεῦδει καὶ οἱ Φοίνικες ὕστε- ρον, οἵπερ ἀρχὴν" καὶ κατέσχον τὴν πλείστην. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα. “Ῥωμαῖοι. ἐνταῦθα γὰρ αἱ τοῦ
C3 Ζεφύρου πνοαί. ἐνταῦθα δὲ καὶ τὸ ᾿Ηλύσιον ποιεῖ πεδίον ὁ “ποιητής, εἰς ὃ πεμφθήσεσθαί φησι τὸν Μενέλαον ὑπὸ τῶν θεῶν"
ἀλλά σ᾽ és ᾿Ηλύσιὸόν πεδίον καὶ πείρατα γαίης ἀθάνατοι πέμψουσιν, ὅθι ξανθὸς Ῥαδάμανθυς, τῇ περ ῥηΐστη βιοτὴ πέλει" ᾿
οὐ νιφετός, οὔτ᾽ ἂρ χειμὼν πολύς, ἀλλ᾽ αἰεὶ Ζεφύροιο λιγὺ πνείοντος" ἀήτας ᾿Ωκεανὸς ἀνίησι. (Od. 4. 563)
5. Καὶ ai τῶν. μακάρων δὲ νῆσοι πρὸ τῆς ΜευρυυοτρΣ εἰσὶ τῆς ἐσχάτης πρὸς δύσιν, καθ᾽
1 ἀρούρας, the reading of B, for ἀρούραιξ: ς ees deletes both quotations ; 7. Miiller, Cobet, approving 5: A 3 Miller defends the quotations. δέ, Cobet inserts, after ἀστέρας.
6
GEOGRAPHY, 1. 1. 3-5
rise out ot Oceanus and to set in’ Oceanus; and he refers in the same way to the constellations: “Now the sun was just beating on the fields as he climbed heaven from the deep stream of gently-flowing Oceanus.” ‘And the sun’s bright light dropped into Oceanus, drawing black night across the earth.” And he declares that the stars also rise from Oceanus “after having bathed in Oceanus.”’
4. As for the people of the west, Homer makes plain that they were prosperous and that they lived in a temperate climate—doubtless having heard of the wealth of Iberia,! and how, in quest of that wealth, Heracles invaded. the country, and after him the Phoenicians also, the people who in earliest times became masters of most of the country (it was at a later date that the Romans occupied it). For in the west the breezes of Zephyrus blow; and there it is that Homer places the Elysian Plain itself, to which he declares Menelaus will be sent by the gods: “ But the deathless gods will convey thee to the Elysian Plain and the ends of the earth, where is Rhadamanthys of the fair hair, where life is easiest. No snow is there, nor yet great storm; but always Oceanus sendeth forth the breezes of the clear- blowing 2 Zephyrus.”
5. And, too, the Islands of the Blest® lie to the westward of most western Maurusia,‘ that is, west
1 What’ is now Portugal and Spain.
2 See page 107.
3 Strabo has in mind the Canary Islands. * That is, Morocco, approximately.
4 ἀρχήν, A. Miller transposes, from its position after τὴν πλείστην, and makes it the adverb. 5 λιγὺ mvelovros, Sterrett, for λιγυπνείοντας.
STRABO ®t.
ὃ μέρος συντρέχει. καὶ τῷ" τῆς Ἰβηρίας τὸ ταύτης πέρας" ἐκ δὲ τοῦ ὀνόματος δῆλον, ὅτι καὶ ταύτας ἐνόμιζον ἐὐδαίμονας διὰ τὸ ho το τι τοιούτοις χωρίοις. |
6. ᾿Αλλὰ. μὴν ὅτι ye: καὶ οἱ ᾿Αἰθίοπες ἐπὶ τῷ ὠκεὰνῷ ἔσχατοϊ, δηλοῖ" ὅτι μὲν ἔσχατοι,
Αἰθίοπας, τοὶ διχθὰ δεδαίαται, ἔσχατοι. dubeten (Od. 1. 23)
οὐδὲ τοῦ “ διχθὰ δεδαίαται" φαύλως. λεγομένου, ὡς δειχθήσεται ὕστερον" ὅτι δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῷ ὠκεανῷ,
“Ζεὺς yap ἐς ᾿Ωκεανὸν μετ᾽ ἀμύμοναξ' Αἰθιοπῆας χθιζὸς ἔβη μετὰ δαῖτα. | ie Ae 423)
ὅτι δὲ καὶ ἡ πρὸς ταῖς ἄρκτοις ἐσχατιὰ παρω- κεανῖτίς ἐστιν, οὕτως ἠνίξατο. εἰπὼν περὶ, τῆς ἄρκτου" |
οἴη δ᾽ ἄμμορός ἐστι λοετρῶν ᾿Ωκεανοῖο. Pg (71. 18. 4895 Od. 5; 275)
διὰ μὲν γὰρ τῆς ἄρκτου καὶ τῆς ἁμάξης τὸν ἀρκτικὸν. δηλοῖ: οὐ γὰρ ἂν τοσούτων ἀστέρων ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ χωρίῳ περιφερομένων τῷ ἀεὶ φανερῷ οἴηι ᾿ὥμμορον εἶπε “λοετρῶν ὠκεανοῖο. ὥστ᾽ οὐκ εὖ ἀπειρίαν τὐτοῦ “καταγινώσκουσιν, ὡς μίαν ἄρκτον ἀντὶ δυεῖν εἰδότος" οὐδὲ γὰρ εἰκὸς ἦν πω τὴν ἑτέραν ἡστροθετῆσθαι,. ἀλλ᾽ ἀφ᾽ οὗ οἱ Φοί- νίκες ἐσημειώσαντο καὶ ὶ ἐχρῶντο πρὸς τὸν πλοῦν, παρελθεῖν καὶ εἰς τοὺς “Ελληνας τὴν. διάταξιν ταύτην, ὥσπερ καὶ τὸν “Βερενίκης πλόκαμον, καὶ τὸν Κάνωβον, ἐχθὲς καὶ πρῴην κατωνομασμένον 1 τῷ, Jones inserts, .
8
GEOGRAPHY, τ. τ. 5-6
of the region where the end of Maurusia runs close to that of; Iberia., And. their name. shows that because those islands were near to blessed countries they too were thought to be blessed abodes. er
6. Furthermore, Homer assuredly makes it plain that the Ethiopians live at the ends of the earth, on the banks of Oceanus: that they live at the end of the earth, when he speaks of “the Ethiopians that are sundered in twain, the farthermost of men” (and indeed the words “are sundered in twain” are not carelessly used, as will be shown later on); and that they live on the banks of Oceanus, when he says “for Zeus went yesterday to Oceanus, unto the noble Ethiopians for a feast.” And he has left us to infer that the farthest land in the north is also bounded by Oceanus when he says of the Bear that “She alone hath no part in the baths of Oceanus.’ That is, by the terms “ Bear” and “ Wain” he means the “arctic circle” 1; for otherwise he would not have said. of the Bear-that “She alone hath no part:in the baths of Oceanus,” since so many, stars. complete their diurnal revolutions in that same quarter of the heavens which was always visible to him. So it is not well for us to aceuse him of ignorance on the ground that he knew of but one Bear instead of two; for it is likely that in the time of Homer the other Bear had not yet been marked out as a constellation, and that the star-group did not become’ known ‘as such to the Greeks unti] the Phoenicians so desig- nated it and used it for purposes of navigation; the same is true of Berenice’s Hair and of Canopus, for we know that these two constellations have received
1 For the meaning of the term ‘‘arctic circle” among the ancients, see 2. 2. 2 and footnote, RS 9
9
C4
STRABO
ἴσμεν, πολλοὺς δ᾽ ἔτι viv ἀνωνύμους. ὄντας, καθάπερ καὶ "Αρατός φησιν (Phaen. 146). "οὐδὲ Κράτης οὖν ὀρθῶς γράφει, :
9; τ > nw οἷος δ᾽ ἄμμορός ἐστι NoeTpav
φεύγων τὰ μὴ φευκτά. βελτίων δ᾽ Ἣ ράκλειτος καὶ ὁμηρικώτερος, ὁμοίως ἀντὶ τοῦ ἀῤκτικοῦ τὴν ἄρκτον ὀνομάξων; “ἠοῦς καὶ com sons τέρματα ἡ ἄρκτος, καὶ ἀντίον Tis ἄρκτου abpos' αἰθρίου Διός." ὁ ὙὰΡ. ἀρκτικός ἐστι δύσεως καὶ ἀνατολῆς ὅρος, οὐχ ἡ ἄρκτος. διὰ μὲν δὴ τῆς ἄρκτου, ἣν καὶ ἅμαξαν καλεῖ καὶ τὸν ᾿Ωρίωνα δοκεύειν φησί (Od. ὅ. 214), τὸν ἀρκτικὸν δηλοῖ: διὰ δὲ τοῦ bf a \ “Ὁ > A \ > > \ , ὠκεανοῦ τὸν ὁρίζοντα, εἰς ὃν καὶ ἐξ οὗ τὰς δύσεις ᾿ Ν > \ a3 > \ δὲ 3 ἴον / Kal Tas ἀνατολὰς. ποιεῖ." εἰπὼν δὲ αὐτοῦ στρέ- φεσθαι καὶ ἀμοιρεῖν τοῦ ὠκεανοῦ οἶδεν ὅτι κατὰ σημεῖον τὸ ἀρκτικώτατον τοῦ ὁρίζοντος γίνεται ὃ ἀρκτικός. ἀκολούθως δὴ τούτῳ τὸ ποιητικὸν ¢ f \ \ i mee 41} δέ θ ; ἁρμόσαντες τὸν μὲν ὁρίζοντα ὀφείλομεν δέχεσθαι τὸν ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς οἰκείως τῷ ὠκεανῷ, τὸν δ᾽ ἀρκτικὸν τῆς γῆς ἁπτόμενον ὡς ἂν πρὸς αἴσθησιν κατὰ τὸ ἀρκτικώτατον τῆς οἰκήσεως σημεῖον: ὥστε καὶ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος τῆς γῆς κλύζοιτ᾽ ἂν τῷ ὠκεανῷ
1 ἴσμεν, A. Miller inact $s Vogel approving in part.
* ἑσπέρης, Corais, for éomépas; Meineke following ; C. Miiller, Cobet, approving.
3 ποιεῖ, A. Miller, for ποιεῖται ; A. Vogel approving.
Io
GEOGRAPHY, 1. 1. 6
their names. quite recently, and that there are. many constellations, still, unnamed, just as Aratus says. Therefore Crates is not correct, either, when, in seeking to avoid what needs no avoidance, he alters the text of Homer so as to make it read, “ And the arctic circle! alone hath no part in the baths of Oceanus.” Better and more Homeric is Heracleitus, who likewise employs “the Bear” for “the arctic circle”: “The Bear forms limits of morning and evening, and over against the Bear fair breezes blow from fair skies’’?; for the arctic circle, and not the Bear, forms a boundary beyond which the stars neither rise nor set. Accordingly, by “the Bear,” which he also calls “the Wain’’ and describes as keeping watch upon Orion, Homer means the “arctic circle,” and by Oceanus he means the horizon into which he makes the stars. to set. and from which he makes them to rise. And when he says that the Bear makes its revolution in that region without having a part in Oceanus, he knows that the arctic circle touches the most northerly point of the horizon. If we construe the poet’s verse in this way, then we should interpret the terrestrial horizon as closely corresponding to Oceanus, and the arctic circle as touching the earth —if we may believe the evidence of our senses—at its most northerly inhabited point. And so, in the opinion of Homer, this part of the earth also is
* Crates emended Homer’s feminine form of the adjective for ‘‘alone” (οἴη) to the masculine form (οἷος), so as to make it agree with “‘ arctic circle” and not;with ‘‘ Bear.”
2 Heracleitus, with his usual obscurity, divides the heavens roughly into four quarters, viz.: the Bear (north), morning (east), evening (west), and the region opposite the Bear (south). Strabo’s interpretation of Heracleitus as regards the ““ arctic circle” is altogether reasonable.
II
ι ΞΤΒΆ ΒΟ ΟΣ
κατ᾽ αὐτόν. καὶ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους" δὲ οἷδε τοὺς προσβόρῤρους" “μάλιστα, ods ὀνομαστὶ μὲν οὐ δηλοῖ (οὐδὲ γὰρ νῦν που κοινὸν αὐτοῖς ὄνομα κεῖται πᾶσι), τῇ διαίτῃ δὲ φράξει, νομάδας αὐτοὺς ὑπογράφων καὶ “ ἀγαυοὺς ἱππημολγοὺς γάλακτο- payous ἀβίους" te’ (il. 13. 5, . 6).
vi Καὶ ἄλλως δ᾽ ἐμφαίνει τὸ κύκλῳ περικεῖσθαι τῇ γῇ τὸν ὠκεανόν, ὅταν οὕτω φῇ ἡ Ἥρα: ΕΣ
εἶμι γὰρ ὀψομένη πολυφόρβου πείρατα γαίης ᾿᾽Ωχεανόν Te θεῶν γένεσιν. (ZU. 14. 200, ‘ef. 301)
τοῖς γὰρ πέρασι πᾶσι συνῆφθαιἥ λέγει τὸν ὠκε- ανόν" τὰ δὲ πέρατα κύκχῳ περίκειται (il. 18. 607). ἔν τε TH ὁπλοποιίᾳ τῆς ᾿Αχιλλέως ἀσπίδος. κύκλῳ πὲριτίθησι τὸν ὠκεανὸν ἐπὶ τῆς ἴτυος. ἔχεται δὲ τῆς αὐτῆς φιλοπραγμοσύνης καὶ τὸ μὴ ἀγνοεῖν. τὰ περὶ τὰς “πλημμυρίδας τοῦ ὠκεανοῦ καὶ τὰς ἀμ: πῶώτεις, “ ἀψορρόου᾽ Ὠκεανοῖο" (Il. 18. .399) λέ: γοντα" καὶ
τρὶς μὲν γάρ T ἀνίησιν ἐπ᾽ ἤματι, tpis δ᾽ ἀναροιβδεῖ. (Od. 12, 105)
καὶ yap εἰ μὴ τρίς, ἀλλὰ δίς, τάχα τῆς ἱστορίας παραπαίσαντος," ἢ τῆς, γραφῆς. τημαρτημένης" ἀλλ᾽ ἧ γε. προαίρεσις τοιαύτη. καὶ τὸ “ἐξ a ἄκα- λαρρείταο" (1. “2 422) δὲ € ἔχει τινὰ ἔμφασιν τῆς
πλημμυρίδος, ἐχούσης τὴν ἐπίβασιν πραεῖαν. καὶ
1 προσβόρῥους, Meineke, for mpooBopéovs; C. Miiller ap- proving. ? “AB.o: is ἃ proper name in Homer. =~
2 συνῆφθαι, Madvig, for συνήθη; Cobet approving.
4 λέγοντα; editors before’ Kramer (who reads ΉΡΈΡΝΝ ; Meineke restores ; C. Miiller approving. |
5 παραπαίσαντος, Cobet, for‘taparecdyros.
12
GEOGRAPHY, 1. 1. 6-7
washed by Oceanus. . Furthermore, Homer knows of the men who live farthest. north; and while he does not mention them by name—and even to the present day there is no common term that will embrace them all—he characterises them by their mode of life, describing them as “nomads,” and as “proud mare-milkers, curd-eaters, and a resourceless folk.” op δὰ iE :
ἢ, In other ways, too, Homer indicates that Oceanus surrounds the earth, as when Hera says as follows: “For I am going to visit the limits of the bountiful earth, and Oceanus, father of the gods.”’ By ‘these words he means that Oceanus touches all the extremities of ‘the earth; and these extremities form a circle round the earth. ) Again, in the story of the making of the arms of Achilles, Homer places Oceanus in a circle round the outer edge of the shield of Achilles. It is another proof οὐ the same eagerness for knowledge that Homer was not ignor- ant about the ebb and flow of the tide of Oceanus ; for he speaks of “ Oceanus that floweth ever back upon himself,” and also says: “For thrice a day she? spouts it forth, and thrice a day she sucks it down.”
or even if it be “twice” and not “ thrice ”—it may be that Homer réally strayed from the fact on this point, or else that there is a corruption in the text? —the principle of his assertion remains the ‘same. And. even the phrase “gently-flowing’’ contains a reference to the flood-tide, which comes with a gentle
1 Homer here refers to Charybdis. Strabo himself seems to be doing Homer an injustice by confusing the behaviour of Charybdis with the tides of Oceanus.
2 See 1. 2. 16, where Polybius is referred to as making a similar statement.
13
C5
STRABO ;
ov τελέως powdn. Ποσειδώνιος δὲ καὶ ἐκ τοῦ σκοπέλους λέγειν τοτὲ μὲν καλυπτομένους, τοτὲ δὲ γυμνουμένους, καὶ ἐκ τοῦ ποταμὸν φάναι τὸν ὠκεανὸν εἰκάζει τὸ ῥοῶδες αὐτοῦ τὸ περὶ, τὰς πλημμυρίδας ἐμφανίξεσθαι (Zl. 14. 245). TO μὲν οὖν πρῶτον εὖ, τὸ δὲ δεύτερον οὐκ ἔχει λόγον" οὔτε γὰρ ποταμίῳ ῥεύματι ἔοικεν ἡ τῆς πλημμυρίδος ἐπίβασις, πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον ἡ ἀναχώρησις οὐ τοιαύτη. ὅ τε τοῦ Κράτητος λόγος ἐδάσκει. τι πιθανώτερον. βαθύρρουν μὲν γὰρ καὶ. ἄψορρον (Od. 11. 18; 20. 65) λέγει, ὁμοίως. δὲ καὶ ποταμὸν τὸν ὅλον ὠκεανόν' λέγει δὲ καὶ “μέρος τοῦ ὠκεανοῦ τι ποταμὸν καὶ “ποταμοῖο ῥόον, οὐ τοῦ ὅλου, ἀλλὰ τοῦ μέρους, ὅταν οὕτω φῇ:
αὐτὰρ ἐπεὶ ποταμοῖο λίπεν ῥόον Ὠκεανοῖο νηῦς, ἀπὸ δ᾽ ἵκετο κῦμα θαλάσσης εὐρυπόροιο.
(Od. 12. 1)
ov yap. τὸν ὅλον, ἀλλὰ τὸν ἐν τῷ ὠκεανῷ᾽ τοῦ ποταμοῦ ῥόον μέρος ὄντα τοῦ ὠκεανοῦ, ὅν φησιν 0 Κράτης ἀνάχυσίν τινα καὶ κόλπον ἐπὶ τὸν νότιον πόλον ἀπὸ τοῦ εἰμερινοῦ τροπικοῦ “δυήκοντα. τοῦτον γὰρ δύναιτ᾽ ἄν τις ἐκλιπὼν ἔτι εἶναι ἐν. τῷ ὠκεανῷ" τὸν δὲ ὅλον ἐκλιπόντα ἔτι εἶναι ἐν τῷ ὅλῳ, οὐχ οἷόν τε. “Ὅμηρος δέ γε οὕτω φησί: “ποταμοῖο λίπεν ῥόον, ἀπὸ Hd ἵκετο κῦμα dardcons,” eos ae ἥτις οὐκ ἄλλη τίς ἐστιν, ἀλλὰ ὠκεανός. γίνεται οὖν, ἐὰν ἄχλως “δέχῃ, ἐκβὰς ἐ ἐκ τοῦ ὠκεανοῦ, ἦλθεν.
εἰς τὸν ὠκεανόν. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν μακροτέρας ἐστὶ διαίτης.
14
GEOGRAPHY, 1. τ. 7
swell, and not with a violent current. Poseidonius conjectures both from Homer’s reference to the head- lands as sometimes covered with the waves and some- times bare, and from his calling Oceanus a river, that by the current of Oceanus Homer is indicating the flow of the tides. The first conjecture of Poseidonius is correct, but the second is unreasonable. For the swell of the tide is not like a stream of a river, and still less so is the ebb. The explanation given by Crates is more plausible. Homer speaks of the whole of Oceanus as “deep-flowing”’ and “ back-flowing,” and, likewise, as being a river; he also speaks of a part of Oceanus as a river, or as a “river-stream ”’ ; and he is speaking of a part of Oceanus, and not of the whole, when he says: “ Now after the ship had left the river-stream of Oceanus, and was come to the wave of the wide sea.” Not the whole, 1 say, but the stream of the river, which stream is in Oceanus, being therefore a part of it; and this stream, Crates says, is a sort of estuary or gulf, which stretches from the winter tropic! in the direction ot the south pole. Indeed, one might leave this estuary and still be in Oceanus; but it is not possible for a man to leave the whole and still be in the whole. At any rate Homer says: “The ship had left the river-stream, and was come to the wave of the sea,” where “the sea”’ is surely nothing other than Ocean- us; if you interpret it otherwise, the assertion be- comes : “ After Odysseus had gone out of Oceanus, he came into Oceanus.” But that is a matter to be discussed at greater length. © | "
‘1 Strabo placed the ‘‘ summer tropic” and “winter tropic” respectively at 24° north and south of the equator. They
correspond, therefore, pretty closely to our Tropic of Cancer and Tropic of Capricorn.
15
STRABO
8 Ὅτι δὲ ἡ οἰκουμένη νῆσός ἐστι, πρῶτον μὲν ἐκ τῆς αἰσθήσεως καὶ τῆς πείρας ληπτέον. παν- ταχῆ γάρ, ὁπουποτοῦν ἐφικτὸν γέγονεν ἀνθρώ- ποις ἐπὶ τὰ ἔσχατα τῆς γῆς προελθεῖν, εὑρίσκεται θάλαττα, ἣν δὴ καλοῦμεν ὠκεανόν. καὶ ὅπου δὲ τῇ αἰσθήσει λαβεῖν οὐχ ὑπῆρξεν, ὁ ο᾽ λόγος δείκνυσι. τὸ μὲν γὰρ ἑωθινὸν WEY POY, TO KATA τοὺς Ἰνδούς, καὶ τὸ ἑσπέριον, τὸ κατὰ τοὺς Ἴβηρας καὶ τοὺς Μαυρουσίους, περιπλεῖται πᾶν ἐπὶ πολὺ τοῦ τε νοτίου μέρους καὶ τοῦ βορείου: τὸ δὲ λειπόμενον ἄπλουν ἡμῖν μέχρι νῦν τῷ μὴ συμμῖξαι μηδένας ἀλλήλοις τῶν ἀντιπεριπλεόντων οὐ πολύ, εἴ τις συντίθησιν ἐκ τῶν παραλλήλων διαστημάτων τῶν ἐφικτῶν ἡμῖν. οὐκ εἰκὸς δὲ διθάλαττον εἶναι τὸ πέλαγος τὸ ᾿Ατλαντικόν, ἰσθμοῖς διειργόμενον οὕτω στενοῖς τοῖς κωλύουσι τὸν περίπλουν, ἀλλὰ μῶλλον σύρρουν καὶ συνεχές. οἵ τε γὰρ περιπλεῖν ἐπιχειρήσαντες, εἶτα ἀναστρέψαντες, οὐχ ὑπὸ ἠπείρου τινὸς ἀντιπιπτούσης καὶ κωλυούσης τὸν ἐπέκεινα πλοῦν ἀνακρουσθῆναι. φασίν, ἀλλὰ ὑπο ἀπορίας καὶ ἐρημίᾳς, οὐδὲν ἧττον͵ THS, θαλάττης ἐχούσης τὸν “πόρον. τοῖς τε πάθεσι τοῦ ὠκεανοῦ τοῖς περὶ τὰς ἀμπώτεις καὶ τὰς πλημμυρίδας kee TOUTO μᾶλλον" πάντη γοῦν ὁ αὐτὸς τρό- πος τῶν" μεταβολῶν ὑπάρχει. καὶ τῶν αὐξήσεων
+ ἐπιχειρήσαντες, the reading of the, MSS., 18. retained ; Ο. Miiller approving. Diibner and Meineke ‘read ἐγχειρή: εἰ μὰ
τε, Α. Miller deletes, before μεταβολῶν,
16
GEOGRAPHY, 1.1. 8
8, We may learn both from the evidence of our senses and. from experience that, the inhabited world is an island ; for wherever it has been possible for man to reach ried limits of the earth, sea has been: found, and this sea we call “ Oceanus.” And wherever we have not been able to learn by the evidence of our senses, there reason points the way. For example, ὦ as to the eastern (Indian) side of the inhabited earth, and the western (Iberian and Maurusian) side, one may sail wholly around them and continue the voyage for a considerable distance along the northern and southern regions; and as for the rést of the: distance around: the inhabited. earth which has not: been visited by us up to the: present time (because of the fact that the navigators who sailed in, opposite, directions towards each. other never met), itis not of very great extent, if we reckon from the parallel distances that have been traversed by us. It is unlikely that the Atlantic Ocean is divided into two seas, thus being separated by isthmuses so harrow and that prevent the circumnavigation ; it is more likely that it is one confluent and continuous sea. For those who undertook circumnavigation, and turn- ed back without having achieved their purpose, say that they were made to turn back, not because of any continent that stood in their way and hindered their further advance, inasmuch as the sea still continued open as before, but because of their destitution and loneliness. This theory accords better, too, with the behaviour of the ocean, that is, in respect of the ebb and flow of the tides; everywhere, at all events, the same principle,.or else one. that does: not vary much, accounts for the changes both of high tide and low
17
C6
STRABO ©
καὶ μειώσεων, ἢ οὐ πολὺ παραλλάττων, ὡς ἂν ἐφ᾽" ἑνὸς πελάγους τῆς κινήσεως ἀποδιδομένης καὶ ἀπὸ μιᾶς αἰτίας.
9. Ἵππαρχος δ᾽ οὐ πιθανός ἐστιν ἀντιλέγων τῇ δόξῃ ταύτῃ, ὡς οὔθ᾽ ὁμοιοπαθοῦντος͵ τοῦ ὠκεανοῦ παντελῶς, οὔτ᾽, εἰ δοθείη τοῦτο, ἀκολουθοῦντος αὐτῷ τοῦ σύρρουν εἶναι πᾶν τὸ κύκλῳ πέλαγος τὸ ᾿Ατλαντικόν, πρὸς τὸ μὴ ὁμοιοπαθεῖν “μάρτυρι χρώμενος Σελεύκῳ τῷ Βαβυλωνίῳ. ἡμεῖς δὲ τὸν μὲν πλείω λόγον περὶ τοῦ ὠκεανοῦ. Kal. τῶν πλημμυρίδων εἰς Ποσειδώνιον ἀναβαλλόμεθα καὶ ᾿Αθηνόδωρον, ἱκανῶς διευκρινήσαντας " τὸν. περὶ τουτῶν λόγον" πρὸς δὲ τὰ νῦν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον λέγο- μεν, ὅτι πρός τὲ τὴν ὁμοιοπάθειαν οὕτω βέχτιον νομίσαι' τά τε οὐράνια συνέχοιτ᾽ ἂν κρεῖττον ταῖς ἐντεῦθεν ἀναθυμιάσεσιν, εἰ πλεῖον εἴη τὸ ὑγρὸν περικεχυμένον.
10. “Ὥσπερ οὖν τὰ ἔσχατα καὶ τὰ ΤΙ τῆς οἰκουμένης οἷδε καὶ φράζει sagas, ὁ ποιητής, οὕτω καὶ τὰ τῆς θαλάττης τῆς ἐντός. περιέχει γὰρ ταύτην ἀπὸ Στηλῶν ἀρξαμενθας Λιβύη τε καὶ Αἴγυπτος καὶ Φοινίκη, ἑξῆς ὃ ὲ ἡ. περαία ὃ τῆς Κύπρου, εἶτα Σόλυμοι καὶ Λυκίοι καὶ Kapes, μετὰ δὲ τούτους ἡ μεταξὺ Μυκάλης καὶ τῆς Τρῳάδος. ἠὼν ὁ. καὶ αἱ προκείμεναι νῆσοι, ὧν
1 ἐφ᾽, Corais, for ἐπί; C. Miiller approving.
2 Saucoutineres. R. "Hercher and Piccolos independently, for διακρατήσαντας ; C. Miiller and A. Vogel approving in
art. Corais reads διακροτήσαντας, C. Miiller approving;
ramer διακρατύναντας ; Meineke διακριβώσαντας (HK. Stemp- linger, L. Kayser, approving) or διασαφήσαντας ; Madvig diarthoavtas.
ὃ περαία, Madvig, for πέριξ. 4 ἐών, Meineke, for ἠιών.
18
GEOGRAPHY; 1. τ. 8-10
tide,! as would be the case if their movements were produced by one sea and were the result of one cause. Beer's tratyn, φως
9,. Hipparchus is not convincing when he con- tradicts this view on the ground, first, that the ocean does not behave uniformly throughout, and, secondly, that, even if this be granted, it does not follow that the Atlantic Ocean runs round the earth in one un- broken circle. In support of his opinion that the ocean does not behave uniformly he appeals to the authority of Seleucus of Babylon. But for a further discussion of the ocean and its tides I refer the reader to Poseidonius and Athenodorus, who have examined the argument on this subject with thoroughness. For my present purpose I merely add that it is better to accept this view of the uniform behaviour of the ocean; and that the farther the mass of water may extend around the earth, the better the heavenly bodies will be held together by the vapours that arise therefrom.? |
10. Homer, then, knows and clearly describes the remote ends of the inhabited earth and what surrounds it; and he is just as familiar with the regions of the Mediterranean Sea. For if you begin at the Pillars of Heracles,’ you will find that the Mediterranean Sea is bounded by Libya, Egypt, and Phoenicia, and further on by the part of the continent lying over against Cyprus; then by the territory of the Solymi, by Lycia, and by Caria, and next by the seaboard between Mycale and the Troad, together with the islands adjacent’ thereto; and. all these lands are
1 See 1) 3: 7. and 1. 3. 12... 2 A doctrine of the Stoics. 8 See 3. 5. 5 for the different’ conceptions of what the Pillars were. 5 i
19
5ΤΕΆΒΟ. 005)
ἁπάντων μέμνηται καὶ ἐφεξῆς. τῶν. περὶ τὴν Προποντίδα καὶ τοῦ Εὐξείνου " μέχρι Κολχίδος καὶ τῆς ᾿Ιάσονος στρατείας. καὶ μὴν, καὶ τὸν Κιμμερικὸν βόσπορον οἶδε, τοὺς Κιμμερίους εἰδώς: οὐ δήπου. τὸ μὲν ὄνομα τῶν Κιμμερίων εἰδώς, αὐτοὺς δὲ ἀγνοῶν, οἱ κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ἢ μικρὸν πρὸ αὐτοῦ μέχρι ᾿Ιωνίας ἐπέδραμον τὴν γῆν͵ τὴν. ἐκ βοσπόρου πᾶσαν. αἰνίττεται γοῦν καὶ τὸ κλίμα τῆς χώρας αὐτῶν ξοφῶδες ὄν, καὶ ὡς φησίν,
ἠέρι καὶ νεφέλῃ κεκαλυμμένοι" οὐδέ ποτ᾽ αὐτοὺς Ἠέλιος φαέθων ἐπιδέρκεται," 6 Regie Estat ay ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ νὺξ ὀλοὴ τέταται. (Od. 11. 15, 19)
yuo pier δὲ καὶ τὸν Ἴστρον, μεμνημένος ye Mv- σῶν, ἔθνους Θρᾳκίου. παροικοῦντος τὸν Ἴστρον. καὶ μὴν καὶ τὴν ἑξῆς παραλίαν οἶδε, Θρᾳκίαν οὖσαν, μέχρι Πηνειοῦ, Παίονάς τε ὀνομάζων. καὶ Ἄθω καὶ Αξιὸν καὶ τὰς “προκειμένας τούτων νήσους. ἑξῆς δέ ἐστιν. ἡ. τῶν Ἑλλήνων παραλία μέχρι Θεσπρωτῶν, ἧς a ἁπάσης μέμνηται. καὶ μὴν καὶ τὰ τῆς ἸΙταλίας ἄκρα οἶδε, Τεμέσην καλῶν καὶ Σικελούς," καὶ τὰ τῆς Ἰβηρίας ἄκρα καὶ τὴν εὐδαιμονίαν αὐτῶν, ἣν ἀρτίως ἔφαμεν. εἰ δέ τινα ἐν τοῖς μεταξὺ διαλείμματα φαίνεται, συγγνοίη τις ἄν' καὶ γὰρ ὃ γεωγραφῶν ὄντως πολλὰ παρ- inot τῶν ἐν μέρει. συγγνοΐη δ᾽ ἄν, καὶ εἰ μυθώδη τινὰ προσπέπλεκται τοῖς λεγομένοις ἱστορικῶς
1 ἁπάντων, Casaubon, for ἁπασῶν; Kramer, Groskurd, Forbiger, Tardieu, Meineke, following.
2 τά, Meineke deletes, before μέχρι; C.\Miiller approving.
8 ἐπιδέρκεται, C. Miiller restores, for,.the usual needling καταδέρκεται, from the MSS. of the Odyssey.
20
GEOGRAPHY, 1. 1. 10
mentioned by Homer, as well. as those farther on, about the Propontis and the Euxine Sea as far as Colchis and the limits of Jason’s expedition; more than that, he knows the Cimmerian Bosporus, because he knows the Cimmerians—for surely, if he knows the name of the Cimmerians, he is not ignorant of the people themselves—the Cimmerians who, in Homer’s own time or shortly before his time, over- ran the whole country from the Bosporus to Ionia. At least he intimates that the very climate of their country is gloomy, and the Cimmerians, as he says, are “shrouded in mist and in cloud, and never does the shining sun look upon them, but deadly night is spread o’er them.” Homer also knows of the River Ister,! since he mentions Mysians, a Thracian tribe that lives on the Ister. More than that, he knows the sea-board next to the Ister, on the Thracian side, as far as the Peneus? River; for he speaks of Paeonians, of Athos and Axius,? and of their. neighbouring islands. And next comes the sea-board of Greece, as far as Thesprotia, which he mentions in its entirety. And yet more, he knows the promontories of Italy also, for he speaks of Temesa and of Sicily ; he also knows about the headland capes of Iberia, and of the wealth of Iberia, as I have stated above. If between these countries there are some countries which he leaves out, one might pardon him; for the professed geographer himself omits many details. And we might pardon the poet even if he has inserted things
1} Danube. 2 Salambria. 8 The River Vardar.
4 τοῦ, before Μυσῶν, Kramer deletes ; Meineke following. 5 Reference is made to Od. 1. 184, but that Temesa is in Cyprus.
VOL. 1. i Gite Ot
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καὶ διδασκαλικῶς, καὶ od δεῖ μέμφεσθαι. οὐδὲ
γὰρ ἀληθές ἐστιν, ὅ φησιν ᾿Ερατοσθένης, ὅτι ποιητὴς πᾶς στοχάξεται ψυχαγωγίας, οὐ διδα- σκαλίας" τἀναντία γὰρ οἱ φρονιμώτατοι τῶν περὶ ποιητικῆς τε φθεγξαμένων πρώτην τινὰ λέγουσι φιλοσοφίαν τὴν ποιητικήν. ἀλλὰ πρὸς "Epato- σθένη μὲν αὖθις ἐροῦμεν διὰ πλειόνων, ἐν οἷς καὶ περὶ τοῦ ποιητοῦ πάλιν ἔσται λόγος. 11. Νυνὶ δὲ ὅτε μὲν “Ὅμηρος τῆς γεωγραφίας ἦρξεν, ἀρκείτω τὰ λεχθέντα. φανεροὶ δὲ καὶ οἱ ἐπακολουθήσαντες αὐτῷ ἄνδρες ἀξιόλογοι καὶ οἰκεῖοι φιλοσοφίας" ὧν τοὺς πρώτους μεθ᾽ Ὅμηρον δύο φησὶν ᾿Ερατοσθένης, ᾿Αναξίμανδρόν τε, Θαλοῦ γεγονότα γνώριμον καὶ πολίτην, καὶ “Ἑκαταῖον τὸν Μιλήσιον: τὸν μὲν οὖν ἐκδοῦναι πρῶτον γεωγραφικὸν πίνακα, tov δὲ ᾿Ἑκαταῖον κατα- λιπεῖν γράμμα, πιστούμενον ἐκείνου εἶναι ἐκ τῆς ἄλλης αὐτοῦ γραφῆς. ! 12. ᾿Αλλὰ μὴν ὅτι γε δεῖ πρὸς ταῦτα πολυ- μαθείας εἰρήκασι συχνοί: εὖ δὲ καὶ “Ἱππαρχὸς ἐν τοῖς πρὸς Epatocbévn διδάσκει, ὅτι παντί, καὶ ἰδιώτῃ καὶ τῷ φιλομαθοῦντι, τῆς γεωγραφικῆς ἱστορίας προσηκούσης ἀδύνατον μεταλαβεῖν 1 ἄνευ τῆς τῶν οὐρανίων καὶ τῆς τῶν ἐκλειπτικῶν τηρήσεων ἐπικρίσεως: οἷον ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν τὴν πρὸς Αἰγύπτῳ, πότερον ἀρκτικωτέρα Βαβυλῶνος ἢ νοτιωτέρα, λαβεῖν οὐχ οἷόν τε, οὐδ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ὁπόσον διάστημα, χωρὶς τῆς διὰ τῶν κλιμάτων ἐπισκέ- 1 μεταλαβεῖν, Capps, for λαβεῖν.
1 Strabo discusses the point more fully in 1. 2. 3.
* Hipparchus took as a basis of calculation for latitudes and longitudes a principal parallel of latitude through the Pillars of Heracles and the Gulf of Issus, and a principal meridian through Alexandria. He then drew parallels of 22
GEOGRAPHY, τ. 1. to-12
of a mythical nature in his historical and didactic narrative. That deserves no censure; for Eratos- thenes is wrong in his contention that the aim of every poet is to entertain, not to instruct; indeed the wisest of the writers on poetry say, on the con- trary, that poetry is a kind of elementary philosophy.’ But later on I shall refute Eratosthenes at greater length, when I come to speak of Homer again.
11. For the moment what I have already said is sufficient, I hope, to show that Homer was the first geographer. And, as every one knows, the successors of Homer in geography were also notable men and familiar with philosophy. Eratosthenes declares that the first two successors of Homer were Anaximander, a pupil and fellow-citizen of Thales, and Hecataeus of Miletus; that Anaximander was the first to pub- lish a geographical map, and that Hecataeus left behind him a work on geography, a work believed to
of the eclipses which have been observed; for instance, it is impossible to determine whether Alexandria in Egypt is north or south of Babylon, or how much north or south of Babylon it is, without in- vestigation through the means of the “climata.”? In
latitude through various well-known places, and thus formed belts of latitude which he called ‘‘climata.” By means of the solstitial day he determined the width of each “‘clima,” differences of latitude, and soon. But Strabo uses the term primarily in reference to the parallels of latitude themselves.
23
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ψεως" ὁμοίως τὰς πρὸς ἕω προσκεχωρηκυίας " ἢ πρὸς δύσιν μᾶλλον καὶ ἧττον οὐκ ἂν γνοίη Τὶς ἀκριβῶς, πλὴν εἰ" διὰ τῶν ἐκλειπτικῶν ἡλίου καὶ σελήνης συγκρίσεων.. οὗτος δὲ δὴ ταῦτά φησιν.
18. Απαντες δὲ ὃ ὅσοι τόπων ΠΣ ἈυΣ αὶ λέγειν ἐπιχειροῦσιν οἰκείως προσάπτονταιί καὶ τῶν οὐ: ρανίων καὶ γεωμετρίας, σχήματα καὶ μεγέθη καὶ ἀπόστήματα. καὶ κλίματα δηλοῦντες καὶ θάλπη καὶ ψύχη καὶ ἁπλῶς τὴν τοῦ περιέχοντος φύσιν. ἐπεὶ καὶ οἶκον κατασκευάζων οἰκοδόμος ταῦτα ἂν προορῷτο καὶ πόλιν κτίζων ἀρχιτέκτων, μή τί γε ὅλην ἐπισκοπῶν τὴν οἰκουμένην. ἀνήρ' πολὺ “γὰρ τούτῳ προσήκει μᾶλλον. ἐν μὲν γὰρ τοῖς μικροῖς χωρίοις τὸ πρὸς ἄρκτους ἢ πρὸς νότον κεκλίσθαι παραλλαγὴν οὐ πολλὴν ἔχει, ἐν δὲ τῷ, παντὶ κύκλῳ τῆς οἰκουμένης, τὸ“ πρὸς. ἄρκτον μὲν μέχρι τῶν ὑστάτων ἐστὶ Τῆς Σκυθίας ἢ τῆς Κελτικῆς, μέχρι δὲ τῶν ὑστάτων Αἰθιόπων τὰ πρὸς νότον" τοῦτο δὲ παμπόλλην ἔχει διαφοράν. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὸ Tap "Ivdots οἰκεῖν ἢ παρ᾽ Ἴβηρσιν: ὧν τοὺς μὲν ἑῴους μάλιστα, τοὺς δὲ ἑσπερίους, τρόπον δέ τινα καὶ ἀντίποδας ἀλλήλοις ἴ ἴσμεν. ᾿,
14. Πᾶν δὲ τὸ τοιοῦτον ἐκ τῆς τοῦ ἡλίου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἄστρων κινήσεως τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔχον καὶ
; προσκεχωρηκυίας, Corais, for rpowapaxe ywpnxvias.
2 ei, Corais, for #, after πλήν; Meineke fohlomina ἕξ δέ, Casaubon inserts, after ἅπαντες. ry ὁ τὸ πρὸς ἄρκτον μέν, Corais, for πρὸς tiie μὲν ἄν: ;
24
GEOGRAPHY;,' r. 1. 12-14
like manner; we cannot accurately fix points that lie at varying distances from us, whether to the east or the west, except By a comparison of the eclipses of the sun and the moon.! That, then, i is what sia τες chus says on the subject.
_13. All. those who undertake. to deattibre the Antinanuishiog features of countries devote special attention to astronomy and geometry, in explaining matters of shape, of size, of distances between points, and of “climata,” as well as matters of heat.and cold, and, in general, the peculiarities of the atmosphere, Indeed, an architect in constructing a house, or an engineer in founding a city, would make provision for all these conditions ; and all the more would they be considered. by the man whose purview, embraced the whole inhabited world; for they concern him more than anyone else. Within the area of small countries it involves no very great discrepancy if a given place be situated more towards the north, or more towards the south; but when the area is that of the whole - round of the inhabited world, the north extends to
the remote confines of Scythia and Celtica,? and the south to the remote’ confines of Ethiopia, and the difference between these two extremes is very great. The same thing holds true also as regards a man’s living in India or Iberia ; the one country is in the far east, and the other is inthe “far west; indéed, they are, in a sense, the antipodes of picks: other, as we know...
: 14. Everything of this kind, since it is caused by the movement of the sun and the other stars as well
ΟἿΣ That is, by a comparison of the observations of the same eclipse, made from the different ag of observation. 2 France, approximately. . iat
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ἔτι Ths ἐπὶ τὸ μέσον φορᾶς, ἀναβλέπειν ἀναγκάζξει πρὺς τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ πρὸς τὸ φαινόμενα, παρ᾽ ἑκάστοις ἡμῶν τῶν οὐρανίων" ἐν δὲ τούτοις͵ ἐξαλ- λάξεις ὁρῶνται παμμεγέθεις TOV οἰκήσεων. «τίς ἂν οὖν διαφορὰς τόπων᾽ ἐκγϑέμενος! καλῶς καὶ ἱκανῶς διδάσκοι, pr φρον τ ὡς τούτων “μηδενὸς μηδ᾽ ἐπὶ μικρόν; καὶ γὰρ, εἰ μὴ δυνατὸν κατὰ τὴν ὑπόθεσιν τὴν τοιαύτην ἅπαντα ἀκριβοῦν διὰ. τὸ εἶναι πολιτικωτέραν, τό γε ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον, ἐφ᾽ ὅσον καὶ τῷ πολιτικῷ παρακολουθεῖν. δυνατόν, προσήκοι ἂν εἰκότως. 4
15. Ὁ δ᾽ οὕτω peremploas ἤδη τὴν διάφυιρν οὐδὲ τῆς Phas ἀπέχεται γῆς. φαίνεται γὰρ γέ- λοῖον, εἰ τὴν οἰκουμένην γλιχόμενος σαφῶς. ἐξει- πεῖν τῶν μὲν οὐρανίων ἐτόλμησεν ἅψασθαι καὶ χρήσασθαι πρὸς τὴν διδασκαλίαν, τὴν δ᾽ ὅλην γῆν, ἧς μέρος 7 οἰκουμένη, μήθ᾽ ὁπόση, μήθ' ὁποία τις, μήθ᾽ ὅπου κειμένη “τοῦ σύμηταντης κό- σμοῦ, ‘pt μηδὲν ἢ ἀφρόν μηδ᾽, εἰ καθ᾽ ἕν wee οἰκεῖται μόνον. τὸ καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς, ἢ κατὰ πλείω, Kar? πόσα: ὡς δ᾽ αὕτως καὶ τὸ ἀοΐκῃτον αὐτῆς. πόσον καὶ ποῖόν τε καὶ διὰ “τί. ἔοικεν οὖν μετεωρο- λογικῇ τινι πραγματείᾳ καὶ γεωμετρικῇ συνῆφθαι τὸ τῆς γεωγραφίας εἶδος, τὰ ἐπίγεια τοῖς οὐρα-
μηδέν, Corais, for μηθέν ; Meineke following ; C. Miiller
approving , Corais deletes before καὶ πόσα, Meineke following. ~ 26
GEOGRAPHY, 1. 1. 14-15
as by their tendency towards the centre,! compels us to look to the vault of heaven,.and to observe the
phenomena of thé heavenly bodies peculiar to our.
individual positions ; and in these. phenomena we see very great variations in the positions of inhabited places. So, if one is about to treat of the differences between countries, how can he discuss his subject correctly and adequately if he has paid no attention, even superficially, to any of these matters ? For even if it bg impossible in a treatise of this nature, because of its having a greater bearing on affairs of state, to make everything scientifically accurate, it will natur- ally be appropriate to do so, at least in so far as the man in public life is able to follow the thought.
_ 15. Moreover, the man who) has once thus lifted his thoughts to the heavens will surely not hold aloof from the earth as a whole; for it is obviously absurd, if a man who desired to give a clear exposition of the inhabited world had ventured to lay hold of the celestial bodies and to use them for the purposes of instruction, and yet had paid no attention to the ‘earth as a whole, of which the inhabited world is but a part—neither as td its size, nor its character, nor its position in the universe, nor even whether the world is inhabited only in the one part in which we live, or in a number of parts, and if so, how many such parts there are’; and likewise how large the uninhabited part is, what its nature is, and why it is uninhabited. It seems, then, that the special branch of geography represents a union of meteorology? and geometry, since it unites terrestrial and celestial phenomena as
1 See § 20 (following), and footnote. _ ® The Greek word here includes our science of astronomy as well as our science of meteorology.
27
5ΤΕΑΒΟ.
vious συνάπτον εἰς ἕν, ὡς ἐγγυτάτω ὄδρα!. ἀλλὰ μὴ διεστῶτα τοδοῦτον, | lool οὗ ap
ὅσον οὐρανός ἐστ᾽ ἀπὸ γαίης. (I. 8, 16)
bt Pepe, δὴ τῇ. τοσαύτῃ πολυμαθείᾳ. προσθῶ- μεν τὴν ἐπίγειον ἱστορίαν, οἷον ζώων. καὶ φυτῶν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων, ὅσα χρήσιμα ἢ δύσχρηστα. φέρει γῆ τε καὶ θάλασσα" οἶμαι γὰρ ἐναργὲς ἂν γενέ- σθαι μᾶλλον ὃ λέγω. πάντα γὰρ τὰ τοιαῦταφταρα- σκευαί τενες εἰς, φρόνησιν μεγάλαι" 1 τῷ μαθεῖν δὲ τῆς χώρας τὴν φύσιν καὶ ζῴων καὶ φυτῶν ἰδέας προσθεῖναι δεῖ καὶ τὰ τῆς θαλάττης" ἀμφίβιοι γὰρ τρόπον τινά ἐσμεν καὶ οὖ" μᾶχλον χερσαῖοι ἢ θαλάττιοι.2 ὅτι δὲ καὶ τὸ “ὄφελος μέγα παντὶ τῷ παραλαβόντι τὴν τοιαύτην. ἷστο- ρίαν, ἔκ τε τῆς παλαιᾶς μνήμης δῆλον καὶ ἐκ τοῦ λόγου. οἱ γοῦν ποιηταὶ φρονιμωτάτους τῶν ἡρώων ἀποφαίνουσι τοὺς ᾿ἀποδημήσαντας πολλα- χοῦ, καὶ πλανηθέντας" ἐν μεγάλῳ yap. τίθενται τὸ “ πολλῶν ἀνθρώπων ἰδεῖν ἄστεα καὶ νόον γνῶναι" (Od. 1. 3), καὶ ὁ Νέστωρ σεμνύνεται; διότι τοῖς Λαπίθαις ὡμίλησεν; ἐλθὼν μετ dake Miro ac
τηλόθεν ἐξ ἀ ἀπίης γαίης" καλέσαντο OY cs αὐτοί. "δ ἡ» ἊΝ
καὶ ὁ Μενέλαος ὡσαύτως,
Κύπρον Φοινίκην τε καὶ At iat ἀπαληθεὶς Αἰθίοπάς θ᾽ ἱκόμην καὶ Σιδονίους. καὶ ore es καὶ Λιβύην, alg A
1 Picdolos reads’ and ῥ σαρηδειύνοις, esd hint ἢ μαθεῖν δὲ τῇς χώρας τὴν φύσιν καὶ ζῴων καὶ φυτῶν ἰδέας προσθεῖναι δεῖ καὶ τὰ
28
GEOGRAPHY, τ. 1. 15-16
being very closely. related, and in no.sense separated from..each other “as heaven is high above the earth.””
16. Well, then, to this encyclopaedic knowledge let us add terrestrial history—that is, the history οἵ animals and plants and everything useful or harmful that is produced by land or sea (this definition will, I think, make clear what I mean by “ terrestrial his- tory a8 In fact all such studies are important as preliminary helps toward complete understanding. And to this knowledge of the nature of the land, and of the species of animals and plants, we must add a knowledge of all that pertains to the sea; for in ἃ sense we are amphibious, and belong no more to, the land than to the sea. That the benefit is great to _ anyone who has become possessed of information of this character, is evident both from ancient traditions and from reason. At any rate, the poets declare that the wisest heroes were those who visited many places and roamed over the world ; for the poets regard it as a great achievement to have “ seen the cities and known the minds of many men.” Nestor boasts ot having lived among the Lapithae, to whom he had gone as an invited guest, “from a distant land afar— for of themselves they summoned me.” ὁ. Menelaus, too, makes a similar boast, when he says: : “1 roamed over Cyprus: and Phoenicia.and Egypt; and came to Layanieens and Sidonians and Erembians and ee [
τῆς θαλάττης, ἴοΥ μεγάλαι τῷ μαθεῖν τῆς χώρας Thy is καὶ ζῴων καὶ φυτῶν. ἰδέα». προσθεῖναι δὲ καὶ -τὰ τῆς θαλάττης ; “Ὁ, Miiller, Sterrett, approving.
2 A. Miller transposes the words πάντα γὰρ τὰ:..ἢ θαλάττιοι to this Laie from a position before καὶ τὸν Ἡρακλέα oe 9, Ρ. 30); A. Vogel, Sterrett, approving.
29
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’ θ \ \ \ ὃ , a , 1 προσθεὶς καὶ τὸ ἰδίωμα τῆς χώρας," ἵνα T ἄρνες ἄφαρ κεραοὶ τελέθουσι: 'τρὶς γὰρ τίκτει μῆλα τελεσφόρον εἰς ἐνιαυτον.
>
ἐπὶ δὲ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων Θηβῶν" (τῇ πλεῖστα φέρει ζείδωρος a ἀρρυρᾳὶ Ric 4, 449) Kal)
αἵ [θ᾽ ἑκατόμπυλοί εἰσι, διηκόσιοι δ᾽ ἀν᾽ ἑκάστην ἀνέρες ἐξοιχνεῦσι σὺν ἵπποισιν καὶ ὄχεσφιν, Z
(71. 9. 383)
Kai τὸν ‘H ρᾶκλέα εἰκὸς ἀπὸ τῆς πολλῆς ἐμπειρίας τε καὶ ἱστορίας Χεχθῆναι |
μεγάλων ἐπιίστορα ἔργων. (Od, 21. 26)
ἔκ τεῦ δὴ τῆς παλαιᾶς μνήμης καὶ ἐκ τοῦ λόγου
μαρτυρεῖται τὰ λεχθέντα ἐν ἀρχαῖς ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν. διαφερόντως δ᾽ ἐπάγεσθαι δοκεῖ μοὶ πρὸς τὰ νῦν ἐκεῖνος ὁ λόγος, διότι τῆς γεωγραφίας τὸ πλέον ἐστὶ πρὸς τὰς χρείας τὰς πολιτικάς. χώρα γὰρ τῶν πράξεών ἐστι γῆ καὶ ὃ θάλαττα, ἣν οἰκοῦμεν" τῶν μὲν μικρῶν μικρά, τῶν δὲ μεγάλων μεγάλη" μεγίστη. δ᾽. ἡ, σύμπασα, ἥνπερ ἰδίως καλοῦμεν οἰκουμένην, ὥστε. τῶν μεγίστων. πρά- ἕεων αὕτη ἂν εἴη χώρα.: μέγιστοι δὲ τῶν στρατη- λατῶν, ὅσοι δύνανται “γῆς καὶ θαλάττης ἄ ἄρχειν, ἔθνη καὶ πόλεις συνάγοντες εἰς μίαν ἐξουσίαν καὶ διοίκησιν πολιτικήν. δῆλον οὖν, ὅτι ἡ γεω- γραφικὴ πᾶσα ἐπὶ τὰς πράξεις ἀνάγεται τὰς
1 A Miller transposes the words προσθεὶς καὶ τὸ ἰδίωμα τῆς χώρας to this place from a position after τελέθουσι ; -Sterrett
approving.
3°
GEOGRAPHY, 1. 1. 16
—-and at this point he added the distinctive peculiarity of the country—“ where lambs are horned from the birth ; for there the ewes yean thrice within the full circle of a year.’’ And in speaking of Thebes in Egypt, he saysthat Egypt is the country “where earth the grain-giver yields herbs in plenty”; and again he says: “Thebes of the hundred gates, whence sally forth two hundred warriors through each, with horses and chariots.”” And doubtless it was because of Her- acles’ wide experience and information that Homer speaks of him as the man who “had knowledge of great adventures.”’. And my contention, made at the outset, is supported by reason as well as by ancient tradition. And that other argument, it seems to me, is adduced with especial force injreference to present- day conditions, namely, that the greater part of geo- graphy subserves the needs of states; for the scene of the activities of states is land and sea, the dwelling- place of man. The scene is small-when the activities are of small importance, and: large when they are of large Τα πῆμα δῆτ and the largest is the scene that em- braces all the rest. (which we call by the special name of “ the inhabited world”), and this, therefore, would be the scene of activities of the largest importance. Moreover, the greatest generals are without exception men who are able to hold sway over land and sea, and to unite nations and cities under one government and political administration.. It is therefore plain that | geography as a whole has a direct bearing upon the | activities of commanders ; for it describes continents
2 ἔκ re, Meineke, for ἐκ δέ: - 8 ἡ, Corais deletes, before θάλαττα; Meineke following ; C. Miller approving. ᾿
31
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ἡγεμονικάς, διατιθεῖσα © ἠπείρους καὶ πελάγη τὰ μὲν ἐντός, τὰ δὲ ἐκτὸς τῆς συμπάσης οἰκουμένης: πρὸς τούτους δὲ ἡ διάθεσις, οἷς διαφέρει ταῦτα ἔχειν οὕτως ἢ ἢ ἑτέρως, καὶ γνώριμα εἶναι ἢ μὴ γνώριμα. βέλτιον yap ἂν διαχειρίξοιεν ἕκαστα, εἰδότες τὴν “χώραν ὁπόση τις καὶ πῶς. κειμένη τυγχάνει καὶ τίνας διαφορὰς ἴ ἴσχουσα, Τάς, Τὶ. ἐν τῷ. περιέχοντι καὶ τὰς ἐν αὐτῇ. ἄλλων. δὲ κατ᾽ ἄλλα μέρη δυναστευόντων καὶ ἀπ᾽ ἄλλης ἑστίας καὶ ἀρχῆς τὰς πράξεις προχειριξομένων καὶ ἐ ἐπεικ- τεινόντῶν τὸ τῆς ἡγεμονίας μέγεθος, οὐκ ἐπ᾽ ἴσης δυνατὸν οὔτ᾽ ἐκείνοις ἅ ἅπαντα. γνωρίζειν οὔτε τοῖς γεωγραφοῦσιν' ἀλλὰ πὸ μᾶλλον Kal ἧττον πολὺ ἐν ἀμφοτέροις καθορᾶται. τούτοις. “μόλις. yap ἂν
᾿τὸ ἐπ᾽ ἴσης πάντ᾽ εἶναι φανερὰ συμβαίη τῆς συμ:
πάσης οἰκουμένης ὑπὸ μίαν ἀρχὴν καὶ πολυτείαν ὑπρηγμένης" ἀλλ᾽ οὐδ᾽ οὕτως, ἀλλὰ τὰ ἐγγυτέρω μᾶλλον ἂν γνωρίξοιτό. καὶ προσήκοι" " ταῦτὰ διὰ πλειόνων ἐμφανίξειν, ἵ ἵν᾽ “εἴη γνώριμα" ταῦτα γὰρ καὶ τῆς χρείας ἐγγυτέρω ἐστίν. ὥστ᾽ οὐκ ἂν εἴη θαυμαστόν, οὐδ᾽ εἰ ἄλλος μὲν ᾿Ινδοῖς. ane €
“χωρογράφος, ἄλλος... δὲ᾽ Αἰθίοψιν, ἄλλος
᾿ “ἄλλησι καὶ Ῥωμαίοις... τί γὰρ ἂν προσήκοι τῷ. παρ᾽ Ἰνδοῖς γεω", abe καὶ τὰ κατὰ; βρεθα τοὺς οὕτω φράζειν, ws | μηροῦ ἡποίθαι, Scere
ἵ θ᾽ ν τ τρτήρι ἐνέμοντο καὶ Αὐλίδα πετρήεσσαν ‘ih pe He, TE Σκῶλόν TE Ria: Be
ς a \ / . 7 \ Bae “Ὁ [4
ἡμῖν δὲ προσήκει" τὰ δὲ παρ᾽ "Ivdois οὕτω καὶ
τὰ καθ᾽ ἕκαστα οὐκέτι. οὐδὲ γὰρ ἡ reper ! “sac sa σ. Miiller, on MSS. aiisanithie |
32
GEOGRAPHY, :. 1. 16
and seas—not only the seas inside the limits of the | whole inhabited world, but also those outside these limits. And the description which geography gives is of importance to these men who are concerned as to whether this or that is so or otherwise, and whether known orunknown. For thus they can‘ manage their various affairs in a more satisfactory manner, if they know. how. large a country is, how it. lies, and what are its peculiarities either of sky or soil. “Βυὺ be- cause different kings rule in different quarters of the world, and carry on their activities from different centres and starting-points, and keep extending the borders of their empires, it is impossible either for them or for geographers to be equally familiar with all parts of the world; nay, the phrase “ more or less’ is a fault much in evidence in kings and geographers. For even if the whole inhabited world formed one empire or state, it would hardly follow that all parts of that empire would be equally well known ; nay, it would not be true even in that case, but the nearer regions would be better known. And it would be quite proper to describe these re- gions in greater detail, in order to make them known, for they are also nearer to the needs of the state. Therefore it would not be remarkable even if one person were a proper chorographer for the Indians, another for the Ethiopians, and still another for the Greeks and Romans. For example, wherein would it be proper for the Indian geographer to add details about Boeotia such as Homer gives: “ These were they that dwelt in Hyria and rocky Aulis and Schoenus and Scolus’’? For me these details are pro- per; but when I come to treat India it is no longer proper to add such details ; and, in fact, utility does
33
STRABO
ἐπάγεται' μέτρον δ᾽ αὕτη μάλιστα τῆς mace ἐμπειρίας.
17. Καὶ τοῦτο καὶ ἐν μικροῖς &vdnrov! ἐστιν, οἷον ἐν τοῖς κυνηγεσίοις. ἄμεινον γὰρ ἂν θηρεύσειέ τις εἰδὼς τὴν ὕλην, ὁποία τις καὶ πόση; καὶ στρατοπεδεῦσαι δὲ καλῶς ἐν χωρίῳ τοῦ εἰδότος ἐστὶ καὶ ἐνεδρεῦσαι καὶ ὁδεῦσαι. ἀλλ᾽ ἐν τοῖς με: γάλοις ἐστὶ τηλαυγέστερον, ὅσῳπερ καὶ τὰ ἀθλὰ μείζω τὰ τῆς ἐμπειρίας καὶ τὰ σφάλματα τὰ ἐκ τῆς ἀπειρίας. ὁ μέντοι ᾿Αγαμέμνονος στόλος τὴν Μυσίαν ὡς τὴν Τρῳάδα πορθῶν ἐπαλινδρόμησεν αἰσχρῶς. Πέρσαι δὲ καὶ Λίβυες, τοὺς πορθμοὺς ὑπονοήσαντες εἶναι τυφλοὺς στενωπούς, ἐγγὺς μὲν I iad κινδύνων μεγάλων, τρύπαια δὲ τῆς ἀνοίας κατέλεπον' οἱ μὲν τὸν τοῦ Σαλγανέως τάφον πρὸς τῷ Εὐρίπῳ τῷ Χαλκιδικῷ τοῦ σφαγ: évtos ὑπὸ τῶν Περσῶν ὡς καθοδηγήσαντος φαύ- λως ἀπὸ Μαλιέων ἐπὶ τὸν Εὔριπον τὸν στόλον’ οἱ δὲ τὸ τοῦ Πελώρου μνῆμα, καὶ τούτου διαφθαρ- έντος κατὰ τὴν ὁμοίαν αἰτίαν: πλήρης τε ναυαγίων ἡ Ἑλλὰς ὑπῆρξε κατὰ τὴν Ἐέρξου στρατείαν, καὶ ἡ τῶν Αἰολέων δὲ καὶ ἡ τῶν ᾿Ιώνων ἀποικία πολλὰ τοιαῦτα πταίσματα παραδέδωκεν. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ κατορθώματα, ὅπου τι κατορθωθῆναι συνέβη παρὰ τὴν ἐμπειρίαν τῶν τόπων" καθάπερ ἐν τοῖς περὶ Θερμοπύλας στενοῖς ὁ ᾿Εφιάλτης
1 ἔνδηλον, Madvig, for μὲν δῆλον. ? ἀνοίας, the MSS. reading is restored, for Casaubon’s ἀγνοίας ; C. Miiller approving.
34
GEOGRAPHY, τ' 1. 16-17
not urge it—and_utility above all things is our stan- dard in empirical matters of this kind,
17. The utility of geography in matters of small concern, also, is quite evident; for instance, in hunting. A hunter will be more successful in the chase if he knows the character and extent of the forest ; and again, only one who knows a region can advantageously pitch camp there, or set an ambush, or direct a march. The utility of geography is more conspicuous, however, in great undertakings, in proportion as the prizes of knowledge and the disasters that result from ignorance are greater. Thus Agamemnon and his fleet ravaged Mysia in the belief that it was Troy-land, and came back home in disgrace. And, too, the Persians and the Libyans, surmising that the straits were blind alleys, not only came near great perils, but they left behind them memorials of their folly, for the Persians raised the tomb on the Euripus near Chalcis in honour of Salganeus, whom they executed in the belief that he had treacherously conducted their fleet from the Gulf of Malis! to the Euripus, and the Libyans erected the monument in honour of Pelorus, whom they put to death for a similar reason? ; and Greece was covered with wrecks of vessels on the occasion of the ex- pedition of Xerxes; and again, the colonies sent out by the Aeolians and by the Ionians have furnished many examples of similar blunders. There have also been cases of success, in which success was due to acquaintance with the regions involved ; for instance, at the pass of Thermopylae it is said that Ephialtes,
1 Lamia. See 9. 2. 9. 2 Pelorus tried to conduct the Carthaginians through the Strait of Messina.
35
{..1]
' STRABO
λέγεται δείξας τὴν διὰ τῶν ὀρῶν ἀτραπὸν τοῖς
᾿Πέρσαις ὑποχειρίους αὐτοῖς ποιῆσαι τοὺς περὶ
Λεωνίδαν καὶ δέξασθαι τοὺς βαρβάρους εἴσω Πυχῶν. ἐάσας δὲ τὰ παλαιά, τὴν νῦν Ῥωμαΐων στρατείαν ἐπὶ ἸΤαρθυαίοὺς ἱκανὸν ἡγοῦμαι τούτων τεκμήριον' ὡς δ᾽ αὕτως τὴν ἐπὶ Τερμανοὺς καὶ Κελτούς, ἐν ἕλεσι καὶ δρυμοῖς ἀβάτοις ἐρημίαις τε τοπομαχούντων τῶν βαρβάρων καὶ 7 saree πόρρω ποιούντων τοῖς ἀγνοοῦσι Kal τὰς ὁδοὺς ἐπικρυπτομένων καὶ τὰς εὐπορίας τροφῆς τε καὶ, τῶν ἄλλων. με} ‘erateserh
18. Τὸ μὲν δὴ πλέον, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, wept τοὺς ἡγεμονικοὺς βίους καὶ τὰς χρείας ἐστίν: att? δὲ καὶ τῆς ἠθικῆς φιλοσοφίας καὶ πολιτικῆς τὸ πλέον περὶ τοὺς ἡγεμονικοὺς βίους. σημεῖον δέ" τὰς γὰρ τῶν πολιτειῶν διαφορὰς ἀπὸ τῶν ἡγέμο- vidv διακρίνομεν, ἄλλην μὲν ἡγεμονίαν τιθέντες τὴν μοναρχίαν, ἣν καὶ βασιλείαν καλοῦμεν, ἄλλην δὲ τὴν ἀριστοκρατίαν, τρίτην δὲ τὴν δημοκρατίαν. τοσαύτας δὲ καὶ τὰς πολιτείας νομίζομεν, ὁμω- νύμως καλοῦντες ὡς ἂν ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνων τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐχούσας τῆς εἰδοποιίας" ἄλλοις γὰρ νόμος τὸ τοῦ βασιλέως πρόσταγμα, ἄλλοις δὲ τὸ τῶν ἀρίστων, ΟΞ περί, Cobet, for πρός. [
* πὰς χρείας ἐστίν. ἔστι δὲ καί, Meineke, for τὰς χρείας" ἔτι
δὲ καί ; Cobet independently, C. Miiller approving. _* ἄλλοις, Madvig, for ἄλλος ; A. Vogel approving.
1 Under Augustus and Tiberius no Roman army invaded Parthia, apparently. Strabo must be thinking of the cam- paign of Crassus or of that of Antony—or of both campaigns.
* The campaign of Drusus, apparently, which he carried on till his death in 9 B.c. But if Niese’s theory be accepted as to the time when Strabo wrote (see Introduction, pp. xxiv ff.),
36
GEOGRAPHY, τ. 1. 17-18
by showing the Persians the pathway across the mountains, put Leonidas and his troops at their merey, and brought the Persians south of Thermo- pylae. But leaving antiquity, I believe that the modern campaign of the Romans against the Par- thians! is a sufficient proof of what I say, and likewise that against the Germans and the Celts, for in the latter case the barbarians carried on a guerilla warfare in swamps, in pathless forests, and in deserts?; and they made the ignorant Romans believe to be far away what was really near at hand, and kept them in ignorance of the roads and of the facilities for procuring provisions and other necessities.
18. Now just as the greater part of geography, as I have said, has a bearing on the life and the needs of rulers, so also does the greater part of the theory of ethics and the theory.of politics have a bearing on the life of rulers, And the proof of this is the fact that we distinguish the differences between the constitutions of states by the sovereignties in. those states, in that we call one sovereignty the monarchy or kingship, another the aristocracy, and_ still another the democracy. And we have a correspond- ing number of constitutions of states, which we designate by the names of the sovereignties, because it is from these that they derive the fundamental principle of their specific nature ; for in one country the will of the king is law, in another the will of those of highest rank, and in another the will of the
or if the above reference was inserted in a revised edition about 18 A.D. (ψ. xxv), then we might assume that allusion is made to the destruction of the Roman legions under Varus in 9 a.D.—to which Strabo refers in 7. 1. 4.
37
STRABO
καὶ τὸ τοῦ δήμου. τύπος δὲ καὶ σχῆμα πολιτείας ὁ νόμος. διὰ τοῦτο δὲ καὶ τὸ δίκαιον εἶπόν τινες τὸ τοῦ κρείττονος συμφέρον. εἴπερ οὖν ἡ πολι- τικὴ φιλοσοφία περὶ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας τὸ πλέον ἐστίν, ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἡ γεωγραφία περὶ τὰς ἡνγε- μονικὰς χρείας, ἔχοι ἄν τι πλεονέκτημα καὶ αὐτὴ παρὰ τοῦτο. ἀλλὰ τοῦτο μὲν τὸ πλεονέκτημα πρὸς τὰς πράξεις.
19. Ἔχει δέ τινα καὶ θεωρίαν οὐ pain ἡ πραγματεία, τὴν μὲν τεχνικήν τε καὶ μαθηματικὴν καὶ φυσικήν, τὴν δὲ ἐν ἱστορίᾳ καὶ μύθοις κειμένην, οὐδὲν οὖσι πρὸς τὰς πράξεις" οἷον εἴ τις λέγοι τὰ περὶ τὴν ᾿Οδυσσέως πλάνην καὶ Μενελάου καὶ Ἰάσονος, εἰς φῥόνησιν μὲν οὐδὲν ἂν συλλαμβάνειν δόξειεν, ἣν ὁ πράττων ζητεῖ, πλὴν εἰ καταμίσγοι καὶ τῶν γενομένων ἀναγκαίων τὰ παραδείγματα χρήσιμα: διαγωγὴν δ᾽ ὅμως πορίζοι ἂν οὐκ ἀνε- λεύθερον τῷ ἐπιβάλλοντι ἐπὶ τοὺς τόπους τοὺς παρασχόντας τὴν μυθοποιίαν. καὶ γὰρ τοῦτο ζη- τοῦσιν οἱ πράττοντες διὰ τὸ ἔνδοξον καὶ τὸ ἡδύ, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐπὶ πολύ' μᾶχλον γὰρ σπουδάζουσιν, ὡς εἰκός, περὶ τὰ χρήσιμα. διόπερ καὶ τῷ γεωγράφῳ τούτων μᾶλλον ἢ ἐκείνων ἐπιμελητέον. ὡς δ᾽ αὕτως ἔχει. καὶ περὶ τῆς ἱστορίας καὶ περὶ τῶν μαθημάτων: καὶ γὰρ τούτων τὸ χρήσιμον ἀεὶ μᾶλλον ληπτέον καὶ τὸ πιστότερον.
1 The definition ascribed to Thrasymachus, Plato’s Re- public, 1. 12,
2 Strabo has in mind his theory (which he often takes occasion to uphold) as to the comparative mythical and historical elements in Homer and other poets.
38
GEOGRAPHY, τ. 1. 18-19
people. Itis the law that gives the type and the form of the constitution. And for that reason some have defined “justice” as “the interest of the more powerful.”’! If, then, political philosophy deals’
chiefly with the rulers, and if geography supplies ὦ
the needs of those rulers, then geography would
seem to have some advantage over political science. -
This advantage, however, has to do with practice. 19. And yet, a work on geography also involves theory of no mean value, the theory. of the arts, of mathematics, and of natural science, as well as the theory which lies in the fields of history and myths? —though myths have nothing to do with practice ; for instance, if a man should tell the story of the wanderings of Odysseus or Menelaus or Jason, it would not be thought that he was making any contribution to the practical wisdom of his hearers— and that is what the man of affairs demands—unless he should insert the useful lessons to be drawn from the hardships those heroes underwent; still, he would be providing no mean entertainment for the hearer who takes an interest in the regions which furnished the scenes of the myths. Men of affairs are fond of just such entertainment, because the localities are famous and the myths are charming ; but they care for no great amount of it, since they are more interested in what is useful, and it is quite natural that they should be. For that..reason the
geographer, Sere ee his attention to the useful rather than to what is famous and charming! The same principle holds good in regard to history and the mathematical sciences ; for in these branches, also, that which is useful and more trustworthy should
always be given precedence,
39
)
C12
STRABO .)) |
20. Μάλιστα δὲ δοκεῖ, καθάπερ εἴρηται, γέωμε- τρίας τε καὶ ἀστρονομίας δεῖν τῇ τοιαύτῃ ὑποθέ:- σέϊ. καὶ δεῖ μὲν ὡς ἀληθῶς" σχήματᾶ ‘yap Kat κλίματα καὶ μεγέθη. καὶ τὰ ἄλλα τὰ τούτοις οἰκεῖα
: οὐχ οἷόν. ΤΕ. λαβεῖν καλῶς ἄνευ τῆς τοιαύτης
μεθόδου. ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ τὼ περὶ τὴν ἀναμέτρησιν τῆς ὅχης γῆς ἐν ἄλλοις. δεικνύουσιν, ἐνταῦθα. δὲ ὑποθέσθαι δεῖ καὶ πιστεῦσαι Tots ἐκεῖ δειχθεῖσιν, ὑποθέσθαι δεῖ! καὶ σφαιροειδῆ μὲν τὸν κόσμον, σφαιροειδῆ δὲ καὶ τὴν, ἐπιφάνειαν τῆς γῆς, ἔτι δὲ
τούτων πρότερον τὴν ἐπὶ τῷ μέσον. τῶν σωμάτων
φοράν: αὐτὸ μόνον, εἴ τοῦ τῆς αἰσθήσεως ἢ τῶν κοινῶν ἐννοιῶν ἐγγύς ἐστὶν, εἰ ἄρα, ἐπισημηνά- μενοι ἐπὶ κεφαλαίῳ μικρά: οἷον ὅτι ἡ γῆ, σφαι- ροειδής, ἐ ἐκ μὲν τῆς ἐπὶ τὸ μέσον φορᾶς πόῤρωθεν ἧ ὑπόμνησις καὶ τοῦ ἕκαστον σῶμα ἐπὶ τὸ αὑτοῦ ἄρτημα νεύειν, ἐκ. δὲ τῶν. κατὰ πελάγη καὶ τὸν οὐρανὸν φαινομένων ὀγγύθεν' καὶ γὰρ ἡ ἡ αἴσθησις ἐπιμαρτυρεῖν δύναται καὶ ἡ κοινὴ ἔννοια. φανε- ρῶς γὰρ ἐπιπροσθεῖ τοῖς πλέουσιν ἡ κυρτότης τῆς θαλάττης, ὥ age μὴ προσβάλλειν τοῖς πόρρω φέγ- γεσι τοῖς ἐπ᾽ ἴσον ἐξηρμένοις ὃ τῇ ὄψει. ἐξαρθέντα γοῦν πλέον τῆς ὄψεως ἐφάνη, καίτοι πλέον ἀπο-
1 δεῖ, Groskurd, for δέ. ὁ εἴ τι, Madvig, for ἐπί. 8. Meinecke wrongly emends ἐξηρμέροις to o Emp éves.
Δ See footnote 2, page 22. 2 Strabo uses the word in its lidienal sense of “ μολεῖν. shaped,” and not in its geometrical sense. The spheroidicity of the earth in the modern sense appears not to have been suspected until the seventeenth century. (See 2.5.5.)
* Strabo here means all the heavenly bodies. ~According to his conception, the earth was stationary and all the heavenly bodies revolved about the earth from east to west, the heavens having the same centre as the earth. The Greek
40
GEOGRAPHY, τ. 1. 20
» 20. Most of all, it seems to me, we need; as I have said, ‘geometry and astronomy for a subject like geography : ; andthe need of them is real indeed ; for without such methods as they offer it is not possible accurately to determine our geometrical: figures, “climata’’1, dimensions, and the other cognate things; but just as these sciences prove for us in other treatises all that has to do with the measure- ment of the earth as a whole and as I must‘in this treatise take for granted and accept the propositions proved there,»so I must take for granted that the universe is sphere-shaped,? and also thatthe earth's surface is sphere-shaped, and, what is.more, | must take for granted. the law that. is prior to these: two principles, namely that the bodies tend toward the centre?; and I need only indicate, in a brief and summary way, whether a proposition comes—if it really does—within the range of sense-perception or of intuitive knowledge. _ Take, for example, the pro- position that the earth is sphere-shaped : whereas the suggestion of this proposition comes to us mediately from the law that bodies tend toward the centre and that each body inclines toward its own centre of gravity, the suggestion comes: immediately from. the phenomena observed at sea and in the heavens; for our sense- -perception and “also our intuition can bear testimony in the latter case.’ For instance, it is obviously the curvature of the sea that prevents sailors from seeing distant lights: at an elevation equal to that of the eye; however, if they are at a higher elevation than that of the eye, they become visible, even’ though’ they ‘be at a Moe ἄρτημα, here used figuratively, means a weight parr
by @ cord or ‘otherwise. Strabo means that each body is
moored, as it were, from its own respective position οἱ suspension to the centre of the earth,
41
STRABO
σχόντα αὐτῆς: ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ αὐτὴ μετεωρισθεῖσα ll
εἶδε τὰ κεκρυμμένα πρότερον. ὅπερ δηλοῖ καὶ ὁ
ποιητής" τοιοῦτον γάρ ἐστι καὶ τὸ
ὀξὺ μάλα προϊδών, μεγάλου ὑπὸ tails “ἀρθείς. (Od. 5. 898)
. kab τοῖς προσπλέουσι δὲ ἀεὶ καὶ μᾶλλον ἀπο- γυμνοῦται τὰ πρόσγεια μέρη, καὶ τὰ φανέντα ἐν ἀρχαῖς ταπεινὰ ἐξαίρεται μᾶλλον. τῶν τε οὐρανί- ων ἡ περιφορὰ ἐ ἐναργής ἐστι καὶ ἄλλως καὶ ἐ ἐκ τῶν γνωμονικῶν" ἐκ δὲ τούτων. εὐθὺς ὑποτείνει καὶ ἡ ἔννοια, ὅτι ἐρριξωμένης ἐπ᾿ ἄπειρον τῆς γῆς οὐκ ἂν ἡ τοιαύτη περιφορὰ συνέβαινε. καὶ τὰ , περὶ τῶν κλιμάτων δὲ ἐν τοῖς περὶ τῶν ide pe δείκνυται.
21. Νυνὶ δὲ ἐξ ἑτοίμου δεῖ λαβεῖν ἔνια, καὶ ταῦθ᾽ ὅσα τῷ πολιτικῷ καὶ τῷ στρατηλάτῃ χρή- σιμα. οὔτε γὰρ οὕτω δεῖ ἀγνοεῖν τὰ περὶ TOL οὐρανὸν καὶ τὴν θέσιν τῆς γῆς, ὥστ᾽, ἐπειδὰν γένηται κατὰ τόπους, καθ᾽ ods ἐξήλλακταί τινα τῶν φαινομένων τοῖς, πολλοῖς ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ, τἀράσσεσθαι καὶ τοιαῦτα λέγειν"
ὧ φίλοι, οὐ γάρ τ᾽ ἴδμεν ὅπῃ ζόφος, οὐδ᾽ ὅπῃ
ἠώς, οὐδ᾽ ὅπῃ ἠέλιος φαεσίμβροτος elo’ ὑπὸ γαῖαν, οὐδ᾽ ὅπῃ ἀννεῖται" (Od. 10. 190)
οὔθ᾽ οὕτως ἀκριβοῦν, ὥστε τὰς πανταχοῦ συνανα.- τολάς τε καὶ συγκαταδύσεις καὶ συμμεσουρανή-
2 ὅπῃ---ὅπῃ--ὅπῃ-- ὅπῃ, Sterrett, for ὅπη---ὅπη---ὅπη--- ὅπη. 42
GEOGRAPHY, t. 1. 20-21
greater distance from the eyes; and similarly if the eyes themselves are elevated, they see what was before invisible. This fact is noted by Homer, also, for such is the meaning of the words: “ With a quick glance ahead, being upborne on a great wave, [he saw the land very near].’’ So, also, when sailors are approaching land, the different parts of the shore become revealed progressively, more and more, and what at first appeared to be low-lying land grows gradually higher and higher. Again, the revolution of. the heavenly .bodies, is evident on many grounds, but it is particularly evident from the phenomena of the sun-dial; and from these phenomena our intuitive judgment itself suggests that no such-revolution could take place if the earth were rooted to. an infinite depth. As regards the “climata’’?, they are treated in our discussion ὁ the Inhabited Districts. | 21. But at this point we must assume off-hand a knowledge. of some matters, and particularly of all that is useful for the statesman and the general to know. For one should not, on the one hand, be so ignorant of the heavens and the position of the earth as to be alarmed when he comes to countries in which some of the celestial phenomena that are familiar to everybody have changed, and to exclaim : “ My friends, lo, now we know not where is the place of darkness, nor of dawning, nor where the sun, that gives light to men, goes beneath the earth, nor where he rises” ; nor, on the other hand, need one have such scientifically accurate knowledge as to know what constellations rise and set and pass the
1 This was the doctrine of Xenophanes and Anaximenes, See footnote 2, page 22.
43
C13
STRABO
oes Kal ἐξάρματα πόχων καὶ τὰ κατὰ κορυφὴν σημεῖα καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα τοιαῦτα κατὰ τὰς “μετὰ: πτώσεις. τῶν ὁριξόντων ἅμα καὶ τῶν ἀρκτικῶν διαφέροντα ἀ ἀπαντᾷ, τὰ μέν, πρὸς τὴν ὄψιν, τὰ δὲ καὶ τῇ φύσει, γνωρίζειν ἅπαντα: ἀχχὰ τὰ μὲν μηδ᾽ ὅλως φροντίζειν, ohne εἰ θέας φίλου ψῦ χάριν, τοῖς δὲ πιστεύειν, κἂν μὴ βλέπῃ τὸ διὰ Th" καὶ γὰρ τοῦτο τοῦ φιλοσοφυῆντον! μόνου, τῷ, δὲ πρλίτικῷ σχολῆς οὐ τοσαύτης μέτεστιν, ὴ οὐκ ἀεί. οὐ μὴν οὐδ᾽ οὕτως ὑπάρχειν ἁπλοῦν δεῖ τὸν ἐντυγ- χάνοντα τῇ γραφῇ ταύτῃ καὶ. ἀργόν, ὥστε μηδὲ σφαῖραν ἰδεῖν, μηδὲ κύκλους ἐν αὐτῇ, τοὺς per παραλλήλους, τοὺς δ᾽ ὀρθίους πρὸς τούτους, τοὺς δὲ λοξούς: μηδὲ τροπικῶν τε καὶ ¢ ἰσημερινοῦ καὶ ἑωδιαιδν θέσιν, δι’ οὗ φερόμενος ὁ ἥλιος τρέπεται καὶ διατάσσει ἢ δι ΡΟ ΑΝ, ggg τε καὶ ἀέρα. ταῦτα γὰρ καὶ τὰ περὶ τοὺς ὁρίξοντας καὶ τοὺς ἀρκύμκονο καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα κατὰ τὴν πρώτην ἀγωγὴν τὴν εἰς τὰ μαθήματα παραδίδοται κατανοήσας τις ἄλλως. πὼς δύναται παρᾶκολουθεῖν τοῖς λεγομένοις ἐνταῦθα. ὁ δὲ μηδ᾽ εὐθεῖαν γραμμὴν ἢ περιφερῆ, μηδὲ. κύκλον εἰδώς, μηδὲ σφαιρικὴν ἐπιφάνειαν ἢ ἐπίπεδον, μηδ᾽ ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ μηδὲ τοὺς ἑπτὰ τῆς μεγάλης ἄρκτου ἀστέρας κατά- μαθών, μηδ᾽ ἄλλο τι τῶν τοιούτων μηδέν, ἢ οὐκ ἂν
1 διατάσσει, Madvig, for διδάσκει.
44
GEOGRAPHY, 1. 1. 21
meridian: at the same time everywhere ; or 85. to know the elevations of the poles, the constellations that are in the zenith, and all other such changing
henomena as meet one according as he changes his horizons and arctic circles,! whether those changes be merely visual, or actual as well. Nay, he should pay no attention at all to some of these things, unless it be in order to view thern as a philosopher. But he should take some other things on faith, even if he does not see a reason for them; for the question of causes’ belongs to the student of philosophy alone, whereas the statesman does’ not have adequate leisure for research, or at least not always. However, the reader of this: book should not be so simple-minded or indifferent as not to have observed a globe, or the circles drawn upon it, some of which are parallel, others drawn at right angles to the parallels, and still others oblique to thei ; or, again, so simple as not to have observed the Epson of tropics, equator, and zodiac—the region through which the sun is borne in his course and by his turning determines the different zones and winds. For if one have learned, even in a superficial way, about these matters, and about the horizons and the arctic circles and all the other matters taught in the elementary courses of mathematics, he will be able to follow what is said in this book. If, however, a man does not know even what a straight line is, or a curve, or a circle, nor the difference between a spherical and a plane surface, and if, in the heavens, he have not learned even the seven stars of the Great Bear, or anything else of that kind, either he will have no use for this book, or else
1 See 2. 2. 2, and footnote. 45
STRABO
δέοιτο τῆς πραγματείας ταύτης ἢ οὐχὶ" νῦν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκείνοις ἐντυχὼν πρότερον, ὧν χωρὶς οὐκ ἂν “εἴη γέωγραφίας οἰκεῖος. οὕτως δὲ καὶ οἱ τοὺς λεμένας καὶ τοὺς περίπλους καλουμένους πραγματευθέντεές ἀτελῆ τὴν “ἐπίσκεψιν ποιοῦνται, μὴ προστιθέντες ὅσα ἐκ τῶν μαθημάτων καὶ ἐκ τῶν τος συνάπτειν προσῆκε."
22. ᾿Απλῶς δὲ κοινὸν εἶναι τὸ σύγγραμμα ποῦτο δεῖ καὶ πολιτικὸν καὶ δημωφελὲς, ὁμοίως, ὥσπερ τὴν τῆς ἱστορίας. γραφήν. κἀκεῖ δὲ. πολιτικὸν λέγομεν οὐχὶ τὸν παντάπασιν. ἀπαίδευτον, ἀλλὰ τὸν μετασχόντα τῆς τε ἐγκυκλίου καὶ συνήθους ἀγωγῆς τοῖς ἐλευθέροις καὶ τοῖς φιλοσοφοῦσιν. οὐδὲ γὰρ ἂν οὔτε ψέγειν δύναιτο καλῶς οὔτ᾽ ἐπαινεῖν, ᾿οὐδὲ κρίνειν ὅσα μνήμης ἄξια τῶν γεγο- νότων, ὅτῳ μηδὲν ἐμέλησεν ἀρετῆς καὶ φρονήσεὼς καὶ τῶν εἰς ταῦτα λόγων.
23: Διόπερ ἡμεῖς πεποιηκότες ὑπομνήματα ἱστορικὰ χρήσιμα, ὡς ὑπολαμβάνομεν, εἰς τὴν ἠθικὴν καὶ πολιτικὴν φιλοσοφίαν, ἔγνωμεν προσ- θεῖναι καὶ τήνδε τὴν. σύνταξιν' ὁμοειδὴς yap. Kal αὐτή, καὶ πρὸς τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἄνδρας, καὶ μάλιστα τοὺς ἐν ταῖς ὑπεροχαῖς. ἔτι δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον, ὅνπερ ἐκεῖ τὰ περὶ τοὺς ἐπιφανεῖς «ἄνδρας, Kab βίους τυγχάνει. μνήμης, τὰ δὲ μικρὰ. Kal ἄδοξα
1 The words οὕτως δὲ kal... συνάπτειν προσῆκε are trans- posed to this place from the end of § 22 by Meineke, follow- ing the suggestion of Corais ; C. Miiller APprayiDR. Siebenkees
deletes the ἅ before ples fee : Corais, eineke, following ; : C. Miiller approving.
1 Strabo refers to. his. historical work. (now Bes as his Historical Sketches and also as his History. The work con- tained both of these, and comprised forty-seven books, cover-
46
ue
GEOGRAPHY, τ. 1. 21-23
not at present—in fact, not until he has studied those topics without which he cannot be. familiar with. geography. And so those who have written the treatises entitled Harbours and Coasting Voyages leave their investigations incomplete, if they have failed to add all the mathematical and astronomical information which properly belonged in their books. . 22. In short, this book of mine should be generally useful—useful alike to the statesman and to the public at large—as was my work on: History.’ In this work, as in that, 1 mean by “statesman,” not the man who is wholly uneducated, but the man who has taken the round of courses usual inthe: case of freemen. or of students of philosophy. . For the man who has given no thought to virtue and to practical wisdom, and to what has been written about them, would not be able even to form a valid opinion either in censure or in praise; nor yet to pass judg- ment upon the matters of historical fact that are worthy of being recorded in this treatise, : 23, And so, after I had written my Historical
_ Sketches,!. which have been useful, I suppose, for
moral and political philosophy, I determined to write the present treatise also; for this work itself is based on the same plan, and is addressed to the same class of readers, and particularly to men of exalted stations in life. Furthermore, just as in my Historical Sketches only the incidents in the lives of distinguished. men are recorded, while deeds: that are petty and ignoble are omitted, so in this work ing the course of events prior to the opening and subsequent to the close of the History of Polybius. The first part was
merely an outline of historical events, while the latter part resented a complete history from 146 8,0. to the time of the
pire. 47
C14
Ὁ STRABO
παραλείπεται; κἀνταῦθα δεῖ τὰ μικρὰ καὶ τὰ ἀφανῆ παραπέμπειν, ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἐνδόξοις" καὶ μεγά- χοὶς καὶ ἐν οἷς τὸ πραγματικὸν καὶ εὐμνὴμόνευτον καὶ ἡδὺ διατρίβειν. καθάπερ tel καὶ ἐν τοῖς κολοσσίκοῖς ἔργοις οὐ τὸ Kal? ἕκάστον. ἀκριβὲς ξητοῦμεν, ἀλλὰ τοῖς καθόλου προσέχο εν. μᾶλλον, εἰ “καλῶς τὸ ὅλον: οὕτως κἀν τούτοις δὰ εὖ i ποιεῖσθαι τὴν κρίσιν. κολοσσουργία, γάρ. τις καὶ αὐτή, τὰ μεγάλα φράξουσα πῶς. ἔχει καὶ τὰ dda, πλὴν εἴ τί, κινεῖν δύναται καὶ τῶν » μικρῶν τὸν φιλειδήμονα καὶ. TOV. πραγματικόν.. ὅτι μὲν. οὖν σπουδαῖον τὸ ye ἔβψον we agpant sc νὰ racgainaie ταῦτα ed ω. '
Il , ; how: ads
εὖ ὶ δὲ πολλῶν προειπόντων ἐπιχειῤοῦμεν Pe αὐτοὶ λέγειν περὶ TOV αὐτῶν, οὕπω μεμπτέον, ἂν μὴ καὶ τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον διελεγχ θῶμεν ἐκείνοις ἅπαντα. λέγοντες. Soham Bdvower δ᾽ ἄλλων ἄλλο τί κατορθωσάντων ἄλλο πολὺ μέρος͵ ἔτι τοῦ ἔργου. λείπεσθαι" πρὸς οἷς ἂν. καὶ μικρὸν προσ: λαβεῖν δυνηθῶμεν, ἱ ἱκανὴν δεῖ τίθεσθαι πρόφασιν τῆς. ἐπιχειρήσεως... καὶ “γὰρ δὴ. πολύ τι τοῖς νῦν ἡ, τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐπικράτεια Kal τῶν Παρθυαίων τῆς τοιαύτης ἐμπειρίας προσδέδωκε" καθάπερ τοῖς προτέροις μέγα τι ἡ. ᾿Αλεξάνδρου. στρατεία," “ὥς φησιν ἜἘρατοσθένηνι. 0 or yap τῆς. ᾿Αἰσίᾷα
εὐ χε, Meineke, for γε. ἌΤΙ 519 καθάπερ τοῖς προτέροις μέγα τι ἣ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου στρατεία, C. Miiller, for καθάπερ τοῖς μετὰ τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου στρατείαν.
48
ὩΣ a Sos
Den aD ane Avot ers
ἀν Ngee i τος ON a ET pe
GEOGRAPHY, τ. 1. 23-2. 1
also I must leave untouched what, is petty and in- conspicuous, and devote my attention to what is noble and great, and to what contains the practically useful, or memorable, or entertaining. Now just as in judging of the merits of colossal statues we do not examine each individual part with minute care, but rather consider the general effect.and endeavour to see if the statue as a whole is pleasing, so should this book of mine be judged: For it, too, is a colossal work, in that it deals with the facts about large things only, and wholes, except as some petty thing may stir the interest of the studious or the practical man. I have said thus much to show that the present work is a serious one, and one worthy ot a philosopher.
II
‘1. Ir I, too, undertake to write upon a subject that has been treated by many others before me, I should not be blamed there, les I prove to ‘have dis- eussed the subject: every respect as have my predecessors. Although various predecessors have done excellent work in various fields of geography, yet I assume that a large portion of the work still remains to bé done; and if I shall be able to make even small additions to what they have said, that must be regarded as a sufficient excuse for my under- taking. Indeed, the spread of the empires. of the Romans and of the Parthians has presented to geographers of to-day a considerable addition to our empirical knowledge of geography, just as did the campaign of Alexander to geographers of . earlier times, as Eratosthenes points out... For Alexander
49
STRABO
πολλὴν ἀνεκάλυψεν ἡμῖν καὶ τῶν βορείων τῆς Εὐρώπης ἅπαντα μέχρι τοῦ ἽἼστρου' οἱ δὲ Ῥω- μαῖοι τὰ ἑσπέρια τῆς Εὐρώπης ἅπαντα μέχρι ἼἌλβιος ποταμοῦ τοῦ τὴν Γερμανίαν δίχα διαι- ροῦντος, τά τε πέραν Ἴστρον τὰ μέχρι Τύρα ποταμοῦ" τὰ δὲ ἐπέκεινα μέχρι Μαιωτῶν καὶ τῆς εἰς Κόλχους τέλευτώσης παραλίας Μιθριδάτης ὁ κληθεὶς Εὐπάτωρ ἐποίησε γνώριμα καὶ οἱ ἐκείνου στρατηγοί: οἱ δὲ Παρθυαῖοι τὰ περὶ τὴν Ὕρκα- νίαν καὶ τὴν Βακτριανὴν καὶ τοὺς ὑπὲρ τούτων Σκύθας γνωριμωτέρους ἡμῖν ἐποίησαν, ἧττον γνωριξομένους ὑπὸ τῶν πρότερον' ὥστε ἔχοιμεν ἄν τι λέγειν πλέον τῶν πρὸ ἡμῶν. ὁρᾶν δ᾽ ἔσται τοῦτο μάλιστα ἐν τοῖς λόγοις τοῖς πρὸς τοὺς πρὸ ἡμῶν, ἧττον μὲν τοὺς πάλαι, μᾶλλον δὲ τοὺς μετ᾽ ᾿Ερατοσθένη καὶ αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον: ods εἰκὸς ὅσῳπερ πολυμαθέστεροι τῶν πολλῶν γεγόνασι, τοσούτῳ δυσελεγκτοτέρους εἶναι τοῖς ὕστερον, ἄν Te πλημ- μελῶς λέγωσιν. εἰ δ᾽ ἀνωγκασθησόμεθά ποὺ τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἀντιλέγειν, οἷς μάλιστα ἐπακολουθοῦμεν κατὰ τἄλλα, δεῖ συγγνώμην ἔχειν. οὐ γὰρ πρόκειται πρὸς ἅπαντας ἀντιλέγειν, ἀλλὰ τοὺς μὲν πολλοὺς ἐᾶν, οἷς μηδὲ ἀκολουθεῖν ἄξιον: ἐκείνους δὲ διαιτᾶν, ods ἐν τοῖς πλείστοις κατωρ- θωκότας ἴσμεν. ἐπεὶ οὐδὲ πρὸς ἅπαντας φιίλο-
1 μέχρι, Meineke, for μέχρι:. 2 κατὰ τἄλλα, Cobet, for κατ᾽ ἄλλα,
1 Danube. 2 Elbe. 3 Dniester, 4 Sea of Azov. 5 Southern Caucasia.
5°
Bane ae
ae
GEOGRAPHY, 1. 2. 1
opened up for us geographers a great part of Asia and all the northern part of Europe as far as the Ister 1 River ; the Romans have made known all the western part of Europe as far as the River Albis ? _ (which divides Germany into two parts), and the regions beyond the Ister as far as the Tyras?® _ River; and Mithridates, surnamed Eupator, and his "generals have made known the regions beyond the Tyras as far as Lake Maeotis * and the line of coast that ends at Colchis®; and, again, the Parthians have
_ increased our knowledge in regard to Hyrcania and
Bactriana, and ‘in regard to the Scythians who live north of Hyrcania and Bactriana, all οἵ which countries were but imperfectly known to the earlier geographers. 1 therefore may have something more to say than my predecessors. This will become particularly apparent in what I shall have to say in
criticism of my predecessors, but my criticism has
- less to do with the earliest geographers than with
the successors of Eratosthenes and Eratosthenes himself. For it stands to reason that because Eratosthenes and his successors have had wider knowledge than most geographers, it will be corres- pondingly more diflicult for a later geographer to expose their errors if they say anything amiss. And if I shall, on occasion, be compelled to contradict the very men whom in all other respects I follow most closely, I beg to be pardoned ; for it is not my purpose to contradict every individual geographer, but rather to leave the most of them out of consideration—men whose arguments it is unseemly
_ even to follow—and to pass upon the opinion of _ those men whom we recognize to have been correct - in most cases. Indeed, to engage in philosophical
51
U 15
STRABO
σοφεῖν ἄξιον, πρὸς ᾿ρατοσθένη δὲ καὶ Ἵππαρχον καὶ ἸΙοσειδώνιον! καὶ Πολύβιον καὶ ἄχλους τοιούτους καλόν. | . ert ack 2. Upatov® δ᾽ ἐπισκεπτέον ᾿Ερατοσθένη, παρα- τιθέντας ἅμα καὶ τὴν Ἱππάρχου πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀντιλογίαν. ἔστι δ᾽ ὁ ᾿Ερατοσθένης οὔθ᾽ ὃ οὕτως εὐκατατρόχαστος, ὥστε μηδ᾽ ᾿Αθήνας αὐτὸν ἰδεῖν φάσκειν, ὅπερ Πολέμων ἐπιχειρεῖ δεικνύναι" οὔτ᾽ ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον πιστός, ἐφ᾽ ὅσον παρεδέξαντό τινες, καίπερ πλείστοις ἐντυχών, ὡς εἴρηκεν αὐτός, ἀγαθοῖς ἀνδράσιν. ἐγένοντο yap, φησίν, ὡς ov- δέποτε, κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ὑφ᾽ ἕνα περίβολον καὶ μίαν πόλιν of * κατ᾽ ᾿Αρίστωνα καὶ ᾿Άρκε- σίλαον ἀνθήσαντες φιλόσοφοι. οὐχ ἱκανὸν δ᾽ οἶμαι τοῦτο, GANA τὸ κρίνειν καχῶς, οἷς μᾶλλον πειστέον." ὁ δὲ ᾿Αρκεσίλαον καὶ ᾿Αρίστωνα τῶν καθ᾿ αὑτὸν ἀνθησάντων κορυφαίους τίθησιν, ᾿Απελλῆς τε αὐτῷ πολύς ἐστι καὶ Βίων, ὅν φησι πρῶτον ἀνθινὰ περιβαλεῖν φιλοσοφίαν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως
4 > n A > 3 > “ n πολλάκις εἰπεῖν ἂν τινα ET αὑτοῦ TOUTO* . ο.
οἵην ἐκ ῥακέων ὁ Βίων. (Od. 18, 74)
᾿
a a \ ἡ ἐν αὐταῖς γὰρ ταῖς ἀποφάσεσι ταύταις ἱκανὴν ἀσθένειαν ἐμφαίνει τῆς ἑαυτοῦ γνώμης" ἡ τοῦ
a , eye Ζήνωνος τοῦ Κιτιέως γνώριμος γενόμενος ᾿Αθήνησι
Δ “Ἵππαρχον καὶ Ποσειδώνιον, Spengel, for Ποσειδώνιον καὶ ἵππαρχον ; Meineke following.
2 πρῶτον, Spengel, for πρότερον ; Meineke following.
> οὔθ᾽, Meineke, for οὐχ.
4 καί, Xylander deletes, after of ; Meineke i lg
5 πειστέον, the correction of the prima manus, Spengel, A. Vogel, prefer, for προσιτέον.
52
GEOGRAPHY, 1.2 1-2
discussion with everybody is unseemly, but it is honourable to do so with Eratosthenes, Hipparchus, Poseidonius, Polybius, and others of their type.
2. First, 1 must consider Eratosthenes, at the same time. setting forth the objections which Hipparchus urges against the statements of Eratosthenes. . Now Eratosthenes. is not so open to attack as to warrant my saying that he never saw even Athens, as Polemon undertakes to prove; nor, on the other hand, is he so trustworthy as some have been taught to believe that he is—notwith-+ standing the fact that he had’ been associated with many eminent men, as he himself tells us. © “ For,” says he, “philosophers gathered together at’ this particular time, as never before within one wall or one city ; I refer to those who flourished in the time of Ariston and Arcesilaus.” But I do not think that sufficient; what we need is a clear-cut judgment as to what teachers we should choose to follow. But he places Arcesilaus and Ariston at the head of the scholars who flourished in his day and generation ; and Apelles i is much in evidence with him, and so is Bion, of whom he:says: “ Bion was the first to drape philosophy in embroidered finery”; and yet he states that people frequently applied to Bion the words ; i “Such a [thigh] as Bion [shews] from out his rags.” 1 Indeed, in these very statements Eratosthenes re- veals a serious infirmity in his own judgment ; and because of this infirmity, although he himself studied in Athens under Zeno of Citium, he makes
1 The original allusion is to ‘‘the old man” Odysseus, Od. 18. 74.
VOL. 1. D 53
C 16
STRABO
τῶν μὲν ἐκεῖνον διαδεξαμένων οὐδενὸς μέμνηται, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐκείνῳ διενεχθέντας καὶ ὧν διαδοχὴ οὐδε- μία σώζεται, τούτους ἀνθῆσαί φησι κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἐκεῖνον.. δηλοῖ δὲ καὶ ἡ; περὶ τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἐκδοθεῖσα ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ πραγματεία καὶ μελέται. καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο τοιοῦτο τὴν ἀγωγὴν αὐτοῦ" διότε μέσος ἣν. τοῦ TE βουλομένου. φιλοσοφεῖν. καὶ τοῦ μὴ θαρροῦντος ἐγχειρίζειν ἑαυτὸν εἰς τὴν ὑπόσχεσιν ταύτην, ἀλλὰ μόνον μέχρι τοῦ δοκεῖν. προϊόντος, ἢ καὶ. παράβασίν τινα ταύτην ἀπὸ τῶν ἄχλων τῶν ἐγκυκλίων. πεπορισμένου.. πρὸς διαγωγὴν ἢ. καὶ παιδιάν' τρόπον δέ τίνα καὶ ἐν. τοῖς ἄλλοις ἔστι τοιοῦτος. ἀλλὰ ἐκεῖνα εἰάσθω"" πρὸς δὲ τὰ νῦν ἐπιχειρητέον, ὅσα. δύναιτ᾽ ἄν, ἐπανο θοῦν τὴν γεωγραφίαν, καὶ πρῶτον ὅπερ ἀρτίως STEER; θέμεθα.
ἘΣ Ποιητὴν γὰρ ἔφη πάντα τ στοχάξεσθαι ψυχ- αγωγίας, οὐ διδασκαλίας. τοὐναντίον δ᾽ οἱ παλαιοὶ φιλοσοφίαν τινὰ λέγουσι πρώτην τὴν ποιητικήν, εἰσάγουσαν εἰς τὸν βίον ἡμᾶς ἐκ νέων καὶ διδάν. κουσαν ἤθη καὶ πάθη καὶ πράξεις μεθ’ ἡδονῆς" οἱ δ᾽ ἡμέτεροι καὶ μόνον ποιητὴν ἔφασαν εἶναι τὸν σοφόν. διὰ τοῦτο καὶ τοὺς παῖδας αἱ τῶν Ἑλλήνων πόλεις πρώτιστα 'διὰ τῆς ποιητικῆς παιδεύουσιν, οὐ ψυχαγωγίας χάριν δήπουθεν ψιλῆς, ἀχλὰ σωφρονισμοῦ' ὅπου' γε καὶ οἷ μου- σικοὶ ψάλλειν; Καὶ λυρίξειν καὶ αὐλεῖν διδάσκοντες
᾿ i
δ 'gidgfen, Cobet, for blige: mia
= 5
z 1 The Greek wane ιν ΚΣ is δον, ‘The parabasis formed a part of the Old Comedy, und was wholly incidental to the main action of the play.
54
GEOGRAPHY, τ. 2. 2-3
no mention of any of Zeno’s successors, but speaks of those men who dissented from the teachings of Zeno and who failed to establish a school that. lived after them as “flourishing” at that particular time. His treatise entitled On the Good, also, and his Studies in Declamation, and whatever else he wrote of this nature, go to show his tendency, namely, that of the man who is constantly vacillating between his desire to be a philosopher and his reluctance to devote himself entirely to this profession, and who therefore succeeds in advancing only far enough to have the appearance of being a philosopher; or of the man who has provided himself with this as a diversion! from his regular work, either for his pastime or even amusement; and in a sense Eratosthenes displays this tendency in his other writings, too. But let this pass; for my present purpose I must correct Eratosthenes’ geography as far as possible; and first, on the point which I deferred a while ago.?
3. As I was saying, Eratosthenes contends that the aim of every poet is to entertain, not to instruct. The ancients assert, on the contrary, that poetry is a kind of elementary philosophy, which, taking us in our very boyhood, introduces us to the art of life and instructs us, with pleasure to ourselves, in character, emotions, and actions. And our School 8 goes still further and contends that the wise man alone is ἃ poet:' That is the reason why in Greece the various states educate the young, at the :very beginning of their education, by means of poetry ; not for the mere sake of entertainment, .of course, but for the sake of moral discipline. ~Why, even the musicians, when they give instruction in singing, in
* Page 23. 3 See Introduction, page xvi.
55
5ΤΒΑΒΟ.
μεταποιοῦνται τῆς ἀρετῆς ταύτης" παιδευτικοὶ γὰρ εἶναί φασι καὶ ἐπανορθωτικοὶ τῶν ἠθῶν. ταῦτα δ᾽ οὐ μόνον παρὰ τῶν Πυθαγορείων ἀκούειν ἐστὶ λεγόντων, ἀλλὰ καὶ ᾿Ἀριστόξενος οὕτως ἀπο- φαίνεται. καὶ “Ὅμηρος δὲ τοὺς ai Bobs! Wash νιστὰς εἴρηκε, καθάπερ τὸν τῆς Καυταιμνήστρας
ἢ er
| ) oo ᾧ πόλλ᾽ ἐπέτελλεν, ᾿Ατρεΐδης Τροίηνδε κιὼν εἰρυσθαι ἄκοιτιν, rink ᾿ς (θά, 8. 267)
Me
fis 3
La
tov τὲ Αἴγισθον οὐ πρότερον αὐτῆς περιγξνξο πρὶν ἢ | Plage Gen hee τὸν μὲν ἀοιδὸν ἄγων ἐς νῆσον ἐρήμην —
κἀλλιπεν' eked ie ee cane
τὴν δ᾽ ἐθέλων ἐθέλουσαν ἀνήγαγεν ὅνδε δόμονδε. ee autes a ὅ (Od, 3, 270) χωρὶς δὲ τούτων ὁ ᾿Ερατοσθένης ἑαυτῷ μάχεται" μικρὸν γὰρ πρὸ τῆς λεχθείσης ἀποφάσεως ἐναρ- χόμενως τοῦ περὶ τῆς γεωγραφίας λόγου φησὶν ἅπαντας κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς φιλοτίμως ἔχειν εἰς τὸ μέσον φέρειν τὴν ὑπὲρ τῶν τοιούτων ἱστορίαν. . “Ὅμηρον γοῦν ὑπέρ τε τῶν Αἰθιόπων. ὅσα ἐπύθετο κατα- χωρίσαι eis τὴν ποίησιν καὶ περὶ τῶν κατ᾽ Αἴγυ- πτον καὶ Λιβύην, τὰ δὲ δὴ κατὰ τὴν “ὥλλάδα καὶ τοὺς σύνεγγυς τόπους καὶ λίαν περιέργως ἐξενηνο- χέναι, -πολυτρήρωνα μὲν τὴν Θίσβην Χέγοντα (Il. 2.; 502), ᾿Αλίαρτον δὲ ποιήεντα (ib: 503), ἐσχατόωσαν δὲ ᾿Ανθηδόνα (ib. 508); Λίλαιαν δὲ πηγῇς ἔπι Κηφισσοῖο (ib. 523), καὶ οὐδεμίαν προσθήκην κενῶς ἀπορρίπτειν. πότερον οὖν ὁ ποιῶν ταῦτα ψυχαγωγοῦντι ἔοικεν" ἢ διδάσκοντι;
56
GEOGRAPHY, 1. 2. 3
_ lyre-playing, or in flute-playing, ‘lay claim to. this _ virtue, for they maintain that these. studies tend to ᾿ς discipline and correct the character.. You may hear _ this contention made not merely by the Pythagoreans, but Aristoxenus also declares the same thing. And Homer, too, has spoken of the bards. as disciplinarians in morality, as when he says of the guardian of Clytaemnestra: “Whom the son of Atreus as he went to Troy strictly charged to keep watch over his wife”; and he adds that Aegisthus was unable to prevail over Clytaemnestra until “he carried the bard to a lonely isle and left him there—while as for her, he led her to his house, a willing lady with a willing lover.” But, even apart fron this, Eratos- thenes contradicts himself; for shortly before the pronouncement above-mentioned, and at the very _ beginning of his treatise on geography, he says that from. the earliest times all the poets have been eager to display their knowledge of geography ; ; that Homer, for instance, made a place in his poems for everything that he had learned about the Ethiopians and the inhabitants of Egypt and Libya, and that he has gone into superfluous detail in regard to Greece and the neighbouring countries, speaking of Thisbe as the “haunt of doves,’ Haliartus as “ grassy,” Anthedon as “on the uttermost borders,” Lilaea ‘as “ by the springs of Cephisus”; and he adds. that Homer never lets fall an inappropriate epithet. _ Well then, I ask, is the poet who makes use of these a epithets like a person engaged in entertaining, or in
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νὴ Δία, ἀλλὰ ταῦτα “μὲν οὕτως εἴρηκε, τὰ δ᾽. ἔξω τῆς αἰσθήσεως καὶ οὗτος καὶ ἄλλοι τερατολογίας μυθικῆς πεπληρώκασιν. οὐκοῦν ἐχρῆν. οὕτως εἰπεῖν, ὅτι ποιητὴς πᾶς τὰ μὲν ψυχαγωγίας χάριν μόνον ἐκφέρει, τὰ δὲ διδασκαλίας" ὁ δ᾽ ἐπήνεγκεν, ὅτε ψυχαγωγίας 'μόνον, διδασκαλίας δ᾽ οὔ. καὶ προσπεριεργάξεταί τε, πυνθανόμενος τί συμβάλ- λέται πρὸς ἀρετὴν ποιητοῦ πολλῶν ὑπάρξαι τό- mov ἔμπειρον ἢ στρατηγίας ἢ γεωργίας ἢ ἡ ῥητορικῆς ἢ. οἷα δὴ περιποιεῖν αὐτῷ τινες ἐβουλήθησαν; τὸ μὲν οὖν ἅπαντα ξητεῖν. περιποιεῖν αὐτῷ προεκ- πίπτοντος ἄν τις θείη τῇ φιλοτιμίᾳ, ὡς ἂν εἴ τις, φησὶν ὁ Ἵππαρχος, ᾿Αττικῆς εἰρεσιώνης καταρ- τῴη" καὶ ἃ A Ss φέρειν μῆλα, καὶ ὄ ὄγχνας, οὕτως ἐκείνου πᾶν μάθημα καὶ πᾶσαν τέχνην. τοῦτο μὲν. δὴ ὀρθῷς ἂν λέγοις, ὧ ᾿Ερατόσθενε Ἢ ἐκεῖνα δ᾽ οὐκ ὀρθῶς, ἀφαιρούμενος αὐτὸν τὴ
τοσαύτην πολυμάθειαν καὶ τὴν ποιητικὴν γραώδη μυθολογίαν ἀποφαίνων, ἡ ἡ δέδοται πλάττειν, ys, ὃ ἂν αὐτῇ φαίνηται ψυχαγωγίας οἰκεῖον. apa γὰρ οὐδὲ τοῖς ἀκροωμένοις τῶν ποιητῶν οὐδὲν συμβάλλεται πρὸς ἀρετήν; λέγω δὲ τὸ πολλῶν ὑπάρξαι τόπων ἔμπει pov ἢ στρατηγίας ἢ γεωργίας ἢ ῥητορικῆς, ἅπερ ἡ ἀκρόασις, ὡς εἰκός, περιποιεῖ.
1 'προσπεριεργάζεταί τε, Toup, for προσεξεργάζεταί γέ hipta ἐπεργάζεταί γε); Meineke (Vind. 239) approving, but not inserting.
2 καταρτῴη, Madvig, for karnyopoln ; ; A. Vogel Spprovins:
8 φής, Groskurd, for φησίν; Forbiger following,, Ἢ
1 The ““ eiresione” was an olive (or laurel) branch adorned with the first-fruits of a given land and carried around to the accompaniment of a song of thanksgiving and prayer.
58
GEOGRAPHY; τ. 2. 3
instructing? «The latter,. οὗ .course,’”’..you reply ; “ but while these.epithets, have been. used. by ,him for purposes of instruction, everything beyond the range of observation has been filled, not only by Homer but-by others also, with mythical marvels.” Eratosthenes, then, should have said that ‘‘ every poet writes partly for purposes of mere entertain- ment and partly for instruction’’; but his words were “mere entertainment and not instruction.” And Eratosthenes gives himself quite unnecessary pains when he asks howit contributes to the excellence of the poet for him to be an expert in geography, or in generalship, or in agriculture, or in rhetoric, or in any kind of special knowledge with which some people have wished to “invest’’ him, Now the desire to “invest” Homer with all knowledge might’ be regarded as characteristic of a man whose zeal exceeds the proper limit, just as would be the case if a man— to use a comparison of Hipparchus—should hang apples and pears, or anything else that it cannot bear, on an Attic “ eiresione ’1; so absurd would it be to “invest” Homer with all knowledge and with every. art, You may be right, Eratosthenes, on that point, but, you are wrong when you deny to Homer the possession of vast learning, and go on to declare that poetry is a fable-prating old wife, who has been permitted to “invent” (as you callit.) whatever she deems ‘suitable for purposes ‘of \ entertainment. What, then ? -Isno contribution made, either, to the excellence of him who hears the poets recited? 1. again, refer, to,the. poet’s being. an. expert, in geography, or generalship, or agriculture, or rheforic, the subjects in which the poet naturally “ invests’ the hearer with special knowledge.
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STRABO:
4. ᾿Αλλὰ μὴν ταῦτά, γε πάντα 0: 'ποιητὴς Οδυσυεῖ πρόσῆψεν, ὃν" τῶν πάντων μάλιστα ἀρετῇ πάσῃ κοσμεῖ" οὗτὸς yap αὐτῷ ye
πολλῶν ἀνθρώπων ἴδεν ἃ ἄστεα καὶ νόον Ἂς ᾿ | (041. 3)
οὗτός TE ὁ
ἡ
εἰδὼς παντοίους τε Bolan kan μήδεα πυκνά. | 1. 3. 202) οὗτος δ᾽ ὁ “ sen et age ἀεὶ λεγόμενος καὶ τὸ Ἴλιον ἑλὼν i BAT IG βουλῇ καὶ μύθοισι καὶ srreponeapbi τέχνῃ" τούτου γ᾽ ἑσπομένοιο καὶ ἐκ πυρὸς αἰθομένοιο ὦ ἄμφω νοστήσαϊμεν, — PAR ὁ (τς 246)
φησὶν ὁ Διομήδης. καὶ μὴν ἐπί γε τῇ. rvewpryig σεμνύνεται" καὶ yap ἐν apres cil waxes ἐν roi” “δρέπανον μὲν ἐ ἐγὼν εὐκαμπὲς ἔχοιμι, καὶ δὲ σὺ τοῖον ἔχοις" (Od. 18. oad
καὶ ἐν ἀρότῳ,
τῷ κέ μ' ἴδοις, εἶ ὦλκα ΘΕῸ πῤοτὰ μοίμη (Od. 18. 305)
καὶ οὐχ Ὅμηρος μὲν οὕτω. heotick περὶ τούτων, οὐχὶ δὲ πάντες οἱ πεπαιδευμένοι. μάρτυρι χρῶνται τῷ ποιητῇ, ὡς ὀρθῶς λέγοντι, περὶ. τοῦ τὴν τοιαύτην x ery me els φρόνησιν συντείνειν reps . Ἢ δὲ ῥητορικὴ φρόνησίς ἐστι" δήπου περὶ vi ous? ἣν ἐπιδείκνυται παρ᾽ ὅχην τὴν ποίησιν Ὄ υσσεὺς ἐν τῇ ᾿“Διαπείρᾳ, ἐν "ταῖς Λιταῖς, ἐν τῇ Πρεσβείᾳ, ἐν ἧ φησίν" ὁ TT 2", 933)
ae
GEOGRAPHY, τ 2. 4-5
4. Assuredly Homer has attributed all knowledge of this kind, at least, to Odysseus; whom he adorns beyond his fellows with every kind ‘of excellence ; for his Odysseus “of many men the towns did see and minds did, learn,’ and he is the, man, who “is skilled in all the ways of wile and.cunning device.’ Odysseus is continually spoken of as “the sacker of cities” and as the capturer of Troy “ by means of his counsels and _his persuasiveness and _ his deceitful arts” ; and Diomedes says of him: “ But while he yale with me, even out of burning fire might we both return.” More than that, Odysseus prides himself’on being a farmer. For instance, with regard to reaping he says: “ In the deep, grass might the match be, and ΝΕ I have ἃ crooked scythe, and thou another like it”; and with regard to ploughing: “ Then shouldst thou see me, whether or no I would cut a clean furrow unbroken before me.” And not only does Homer thus possess wisdom about these matters, but all enlightened men cite the poet as a witness whose: words are true, to prove that practical experience of this kind contributes in the highest degree to wisdom.
δ. Rhetoric is, to be sure, wisdom applied to discourse ; and Odysseus displays this gift through- out the entire Iliad, in the Trial, in, the Prayers, and in the Embassy, where Homer says : “ But when
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ἀλλ᾽ OTe δὴ ὄπα τε μεγάλην ἐκ στήθεος eth
καὶ ἔπεα. νιφάδεσσιν ἐ ἐοικότα χειμερίῃσιν, ΕΓ
οὐκ. ἂν ἔπειτ᾽ ᾿Οδυσῆζΐ γ᾽ ἐρίσσειε PATS ἄλλος. | (dl. 3. 221)
τίς ἂν οὖν SHB Tov "δυνάμενον ποιητὴν εἰσάγειν ῥητορεύοντας ἑτέρους καὶ στραᾶτηγοῦντας καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἐπιδεικνυμένους τὰ τῆς ἀρετῆς. ἔργα, αὐτὸν εἶναι τῶν φλυάρων ἕνα Kal τῶν. ᾿θαυματο- ποιῶν, γοητεύειν μόνον καὶ κολακεύειν τὸν ἀκροα- τὴν δυνάμενον, ὠφελεῖν δὲ μηδέν; προτέραν 3 δ᾽ οὐδ᾽ “ἀρετὴν ποιητοῦ λέγοιμεν ἂν ἡντινοῦν ἄχλην, ἢ; τὴν μιμητικὴν τοῦ βίου διὰ λόγων." mavidy οὖν μιμοῖτο ἄπειρος ὧν τοῦ βίου. καὶ ἄφρων; οὐ γὰρ οὕτω φαμὲν. τὴν. τῶν ποιητῶν. ἀρετὴν ὡσεὶ" τεκτόνων. ἢ χαλκέων" ἀλλ᾽. ἐκείνη μὲν οὐδενὸς ἔχεται. καλοῦ καὶ σεμνοῦ, ἡ δὲ ποιητοῦ συνέζευκται τῇ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου, καὶ οὐχ οἷόν τὲ ἀγαθὸν γενέσθαι ποιητήν, μὴ πρότερον γενηθέντα ἄνδρα ἀγαθόν.
6, Τὸ δὲ δὴ καὶ τὴν ῥητορικὴν ἀφαιρεῖσθαι τὸν ποιητὴν τελέως ἀφειδοῦντος ἡμῶν͵ ἐστι. τί γὰρ οὕτω ῥητορικόν, ὡς φράσις;. τί δ᾽ οὕτω ποιητικόν; τίς. δ᾽ ἀμείνων. Ὁμήρου φράσαι; νὴ Δία, ἀλλ᾽ ἑτέρα 'φράσις᾽ ἡ ποιητική. τῷ γε εἴδεϊ, ὡς καὶ ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ ποιητικῇ. ἡ τραγικὴ “καὶ ἡ κωμική, καὶ ἐν. τῇ πεζῇ ἡ. ἱστορικὴ) καὶ ἡ, δικα- νική; ἄρᾳ. γὰρ οὐδ᾽ ὁ λύγρε ἐστὶ γενικός, οὗ ρα
2 προτέραν, Meineke, for sibihepebi CG. Miiller corer ιν * ὡσεί, Corais, for ὡς 43 Meineke following; Ὁ, iller approving.
62
GEOGRAPHY, 1. 2. 5-6
he uttered his great voice from his chest, and words like, unto. the snowflakes of winter, then could no mortal man contend with Odysseus,” Who, then, can assume.that the poet who is capable of in- troducing other men in the réle of orators, or of generals, or in other réles that exhibit ‘the’ ac- complishments of excellence, is himself but one of the buffoons or jugglers, capable only οὗ bewitching and flattering his hearer but not of helping him? . Nor can we assume that any ex- cellence of a poet whatever is superior to that which enables him to imitate life through the means of speech. How, then, can a man imitate life if he has no experience of life and is a dolt?.. Of course we do.not speak of the excellence of a poet.in the same sense as we speak of that of a carpenter or a black- smith ; for their excellence depends upon.no inherent nobility and dignity, whereas the excellence of a poet is inseparably associated with the excellence of the man himself, and it is impossible for one to become a good poet ‘unless he has previously become a good man, .
6. So, then, to deny the art of rhetoric to Homer is to disregard my position entirely. For what is so much a part of rhetoric as style}? And what is so much a part of poetry? And who has sur- passed Homer in style?? “ Assuredly,” you answer, “but the style. of poetry. is different from that of rhetoric.”’. In species, yes ; just as in poetry itself the style of tragedy differs from that of comedy, and in prose the style of history differs from that of forensic speech, Well then, would you assert that discourse is not. a generic. term, either, whose
ΠΑ Phrasis. 2 Phrazein.
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ὁ ἔμμετρος. καὶ ὁ πεζός; ἢ λόγος μέν, ῥητορικὸς δὲ λόγος οὐκ ἔστι γενικὸς καὶ φράσις καὶ ἀρετὴ λόγου" ὡς δ᾽ εἰπεῖν, ὃ πεζὸς “λόγος, & ye κατε- φκευασμένος, μίμημα τοῦ ποιητικοῦ ἐστι. πρώ- Toe yap ἡ ποιητικὴ κατασκευὴ. παρῆλθεν. εἰς τὸ μέσον καὶ εὐδοκίμησεν: εἶτα ἐκείνην μειμού- μενόι, λύσαντες τὸ μέτρον, τἄχλα δὲ φυλάξαντες τὰ ποιητικὰ συνέγραψαν οἱ πεῤὶ Κάδμον. καὶ Φερεκύδη καὶ Ἑκαταῖον" εἶτα οἱ ὕστερον, ἀφαι- ροῦντες ἀεί. τι. τῶν τοιούτων, εἰς τὸ νῦν εἶδος κατήγαγον, ὡς ἂν ἀπὸ ὕψους τινός". καθώπερ ἄν τις καὶ τὴν κωμῳδίαν φαίη λαβεῖν" "τὴν σύστασιν" ἀπὸ τῆς τραγῳδίας, καὶ τοῦ “κατ᾽ αὐτὴν ὕψους καταβιβασθεῖσαν εἰς τὸ λογοειδὲς νυνὶ καλούμενον. καὶ τὸ ἀείδειν δὲ ἀντὶ τοῦ φράξειν τιθέμενον παρὰ τοῖς πάλαι, ταὐτὸ τοῦτο ἐκμαρτυρεῖ, διότι πηγὴ καὶ ἀρχὴ φράσεως κατε- σκευασμένης καὶ ῥητορικῆς ὑπῆρξεν ἡ ποιητική. αὕτη γὰρ προσεχρήσατο τῷ μέλει κατὰ τὰς ἐπι- δείξεις" τοῦτο δ᾽ ἣν λόγος μεμελισμένος ἢ φδή,: ἀφ᾽ οὗ δὴ ῥαψῳδίαν τ᾽ ἔλεγον καὶ τραγῳδίαν καὶ κωμῳδίαν. ὥστ᾽ ἐπειδὴ τὸ φράζειν πρώτιστα ἐπὶ τῆς ποιητικῆς. ἐλέγετο φράσεως, αὕτη δὲ μετ᾽, ὠδῆς ὑπῆρξε παρ᾽ ἐκείνοις, τὸ ἀείδειν αὐτοῖς τὸ αὐτὸ τῷ φράζειν." καταχρησαμένων δ᾽ αὐτῶν θατέρῳ
1 λόγος μεμελισμένος ἢ δή, A, Miller, for gdh ἢ λόγος μεμελισμένον,
3 αὕτη δὲ μετ᾽ ᾧδῆς ὑπῆρξε πὰρ ᾿ἐκείνοι», ab δείδέϊν αὐτοῖς τὺ αὐτὸ τῷ φράζειν, Spengel, for αὕτη δὲ μετ᾽ φδῆς, τὸ ἀείδειν αὐτοῖς τὸ αὐτὸ τῷ φράζειν ὑπῆρξε παρ᾽ ἐκείνοις ; C. Miiller approving.
64
GEOGRAPHY, 1. 2. 6
species are metrical discourse and prose discourse ὃ Or, rather, is discourse, in its broadest sense, generic, while rhetorical discourse is not generic, and style excellence of discourse are not ?—But > prose ‘and discourse—I » mean artistic prose—is, I may say, an. imitation of poetic, discourse; for poetry, as an_art, first came upon the scene and was first to win approval. Then came Cadmus, Pherecydes, Hecataeus, and their followers, with prose writings in which they imitated the poetic art, abandoning the use of metre but in other respects preserving the qualities. of poetry. Then subsequent writers took away, each in his turn, something of these - qualities, and’ brought prose’ down to its present form, as from a sublime height. In the. same way one might say that comedy took its structure from tragedy, but that it also has been degraded—from the ‘sublime height of tragedy to its present ‘“ prose- like” style, as it is called. And further, the fact that the ancients, used the verb.“ sing’’ instead of the verb “tell”! bears witness to this very thing, namely, that poetry was the source and origin of style, I mean ornate, or rhetorical, style. For when poetry was recited, it employed the assistance of song; this combination formed melodic discourse, or “ode”; and from “ode” they began to use the terms rhapsody, tragedy, and comedy. Therefore; since “tell” }: was first used in reference to poetic “style’’? and since among the ancients this poetic style was accompanied by song, the term “sing” was to them equivalent to the term “1.811 3. and then after they had misused’ ‘the former of these two terms by applying it to prose
1 Phrazein. 2 Phrasis.
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καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ πεζοῦ λόγου, καὶ ἐπὶ θάτερον ἡ κατά- χρῆσις διέβη. καὶ αὐτὸ δὲ τὸ πεζὸν λεχθῆναι τὸν BS a. εν , 2 ἢ Ὁ τω inl galt ἄνευ τοῦ μέτρου λογον ἐμφαίνει τὸν ἀπὸ ὕψους τινὸς καταβάντα καὶ ὀχήματος εἰς τοὔδαφος.
7. ᾿Αλλ οὐδὲ τὰ σύνεγγυς μόνον, ὥσπερ ᾿Ερατοσθένης εἴρηκε, καὶ τὰ ἐν τοῖς “EXAnow, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἀτύρρω πολλὰ λέγει" καὶ δι’ ἀκρι- βείας"Ομηρὸς καὶ μᾶλλόν γέ τῶν ὕστερον jet λογεῖται, οὐ πάντα Τερβτουόμενοξ, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς ἐπιστήμην ἀλληγορῶν ἢ διασκευάζων ἢ δημα- γωγῶν ἄλλα τε καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν ᾿Οδυσσέως πλάνην: περὶ Hs πολλὰ διαμαρτάνει, τούς τ᾽ ΕΝ \ Z > , \ I PLOS Ν ἐξηγητᾶς φλυάρους ἀποφαίνων καὶ αὐτὸν τὸν ποιητήν" “περὶ ὧν ἄξιον εἰπεῖν διὰ πλειόνων...
8. “Καὶ πρῶτον ὅτι τοὺς μύθους ἀπεδέξαντο
᾽ € \ t ᾽ \ ς Pre ot? οὐχ οἱ ποιηταὶ μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ai πόλεις πολὺ πρότερον καὶ οἱ νομοθέται τοῦ χρησίμου χάριν, βλέψαντες εἰς τὸ φυσικὸν πάθος τοῦ
fo) , Ἔ 4 \ ef, «ἢ ζ΄. λογικοῦ ζῴου: φιλειδήμων γὰρ ἅνθρωπος" ᾿ “προοί-
Ν 4 \ LU b A > puov δὲ τούτου τὸ φιλόμυθον: ἐντεῦθεν οὖν ἄρχεται τὰ παιδία ἀκροᾶσθαι καὶ κοινωνεῖν χόγων ἐπὶ πλεῖον. αἴτιον δ᾽, ὅτε καινολογία ae {ai e a «αὐ \ FUE! « 4 ᾿ τίς ἐστιν ὁ μῦθος, οὐ τὰ καθεστηκότα ᾿ φράζων, > , “ \ “ εον \ ῆς Ν ἀλλ᾽ ἕτερα παρὰ ταῦτα" ἡδὺ δὲ τὸ καινὸν καὶ ὃ μὴ πρότερον ἔγνω τις: τοῦτο δ᾽ αὐτό ἐστι καὶ
1 ἅνθρωπος, Meineke, for ἄνθρωπον; ; Cobet also indepen- dently. 66
GEOGRAPHY, 1. 2. 6-8
discourse, the misuse passed, over. to the. latter term also.. And, furthermore, the .very. fact. that non-metrical discourse was termed. “ pedestrian.” indicates its descent from a height, « or from a chariot, to the ground. —
7. Nor, indeed, is the statement of Eratosthenes true that Homer speaks only of places that are near by and in Greece ;.on the contrary, he speaks also of many places that are distant ; and when Homer indulges in myths he is at least more accurate than the later writers, since he does not deal wholly in marvels, but ‘for our instruction he also uses allegory, or revises myths, or curries popular favour, and particularly in his story.of the wanderings of Odysseus; and Eratosthenes makes many. mistakes when he speaks of these wanderings and declares that not only the commentators.on Homer but also Homer himself are dealers in nonsense. But it is worth my while to examine these points more in detail.
8, In the first πάρα, I tethel that the poets were not alone in sanctioning myths, for long before the poets the states and the lawgivers had sanctioned them as a useful expedient, since they had an insight into the natural affections of the reasoning animal ; for man is eager to learn, and his fondness ‘for tales isa prelude to this quality. It is fondness for tales, then, that induces children to give.their attention to narratives and more and more to take part in them. The reason for this is that myth is a new language to them—a language that tells them, not of things as they are; but of a different'set of things. And what
is new is pleasing, and so is what one did not know
before; and it. is just this that makes men eager to
67
ΒΤΒΆΒΟ
τὸ ποιοῦν φίλειδήμονα. ὅταν δὲ πρὸσῇ καὶ τὸ θαυμαστὸν καὶ τὸ τερατῶδες, ἐπιτεΐνει τὴν ἡδονήν, ἥ ἥπερ ἐστὶ τοῦ μανθάνειν φίλτρον. κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς μὲν οὖν ἀνάγκη τοιούτοις δελέασι, χρῆσθαι, προϊούσης δὲ τῆς ἡλικίας. ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν ὄντων μάθησιν ἄγειν, ἤδη τῆς διανοίας ἐρρώωμένης καὶ μηκέτι δεομένης κολάκων. καὶ ἰδιώτης δὲ πᾶς καὶ ἀπαίδευτος “τρόπον τινὰ παῖς ἐστι φιλομυθεῖ τε ὡσαύτως" ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ ὁ πεπαιδευμένος μετρίως" οὐδὲ γὰρ οὗτος ἰσχύει, τῷ λογισμῷ, πρόσεστι. δὲ καὶ τὸ ἐκ παιδὸς ἔθος. . ἐπεὶ δ᾽ οὐ μόνον ἡδύ, ἀλλὰ καὶ φοβερὸν τὸ τερατῶδες, ἀμφοτέρων ἐστὶ τῶν εἰδῶν χρεία πρός τε τοὺς παῖδας καὶ τοὺς ἐν ἡλικίᾳ: τοῖς τε yap παισὶ προσφέρομεν τοὺς ἡδεῖς μύθους εἰς προτροπήν, εἰς ἀποτροπὴν δὲ τοὺς φοβερούς. ἥ τε γὰρ Λάμια μῦθός ἐστι καὶ ἡ Γοργὼ καὶ ὁ ᾿Εφιάλτης καὶ ἡ Μορμολύκη. οἵ τε πολλοὶ, τῶν τὰς πόλεις οἰκούντων εἰς μὲν προτῥοπὴν ἄγονται τοῖς ἡδέσι τῶν μύθων, ὅταν ἀκούωσι τῶν ποιητῶν ἀνδραγα- θήματα μυθώδη διηγουμένων, οἷον Ἡρακλέους ἄθλους ἢ ἢ Θησέως, ἢ ἢ τιμὰς παρὰ θεῶν νεμομένας, ἢ. νὴ Δία ὁρῶσι γραφὰς ἢ ξόανα ἢ πλάσματα Tovar ny τινὰ" περιπέτειαν ᾿ὑποσὴμαίνοντα “μυ- θώδη"" εἰς ἀποτροπὴν δέ, ὅταν “κολάσεις παρὰ θεῶν καὶ φόβους καὶ ἀπειλὰς ἢ διὰ λόγων. ἢ, διὰ τύπων ἀοράτων! τινῶν προσδέχωνται, ἢ καὶ 1 1 ἀοράτων, Kramer, Meineke, for ἀόρων, above which . ar is written in A. See Classical Journal 1814, 113. “ 68
GEOGRAPHY, r. 2. 8
learn: . But if you.add»thereto:the marvellous and the portentous, you thereby increase the pleasure, and pleasure acts as ἃ charm. to incite to learning. At the beginning we must. needs make. use of such bait for children, but as the child advances in years we must guide him to the knowledge of facts, when once his intelligence has become strong and no longer needs to be coaxed. Now every illiterate and uneducated man is, in a sense, a child, and, like a child, he is fond of stories; and for that matter, so is the half-educated man, for his reasoning faculty has not been fully developed, and, besides, the mental habits of his childhood persist in him: Now since the portentous is not only pleasing, but fear: inspiring as well, we can employ both kinds of myth for children, and for, grown-up. people. too. In the case of children we employ the pleasing myths to spur them on, and the.fear-inspiring myths to, deter them ; for instance, Lamia} is a myth, and so are the Gorgon, and Ephialtes,? and Mormolyce.* Most of those who live in the cities are incited to emulation by the myths that are pleasing, when they hear the poets narrate mythical deeds of heroism, such as the Labours of Heracles or of Theseus, or hear of honours bestowed by gods, or, indeed, when they see paintings or primitive images or works of sculp ture which suggest any similar happy issue of fortune in mythology; but they’ are deterred from evil courses when, either through descriptions or through typical representations of objects unseen, they learn of divine punishments, terrors, and threats—or even
1 A familiar female goblin, devourer. of children, in the ancient nursery-legends.
2 The giant whose eyes. were put out by ‘Apollo. and Heracles. 3 A female goblin.
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πιστεύωσι περιπεσεῖν τινας" οὐ γὰρ ὄχλον. γεῖ γυναικῶν καὶ παντὸς χυδαίου πλήθους ἐπαγαγεῖν λόγῳ δυνατὸν φιλοσοφῷ, καὶ προκαλέσασθαν πρὸς εὐσέβειαν καὶ ὁσιότητα καὶ πίστιν, ἀλλὰ δεῖ καὶ ὃ δεισιδαιμονίας: τοῦτο δ᾽ οὐκ ἄνευ μν- θοποιίας καὶ τερατείας. κεραυνὸς γὰρ καὶ αἰγὶς καὶ τρίαινα καὶ λαμπάδες καὶ δράκοντες, καὶ θυρσόλογχα, τῶν θεῶν ὅπλα, μῦθοι καὶ πᾶσα θεολογία ἀρχαϊκή" ταῦτα δ᾽ ἀπεδέξαντο, οἱ. τὰς πολιτείας καταστησάμενοι. μορμολύκας τινὰς 7 πρὸς τοὺς νηπιόφρονας. τοιαύτης δὲ τῆς μυθοποιίας οὔσης καὶ. καταστρεφούσης εἰς τὸ κοινωνικὸν καὶ τὸ πολιτικὸν τοῦ βίου σχῆμα καὶ τὴν τῶν ὄντων
ἑστορίαν, οἱ “μὲν ἀρχαῖοι τὴν παιδικὴν ἀγωγὴν
ἐφύλαξαν μέχρι τῶν τελείων ἡλικιῶν," καὶ διὰ ποιητικῆς ἱκανῶς σωφρονίξεσθαι πᾶσαν ἡλικίαν ὑπέλαβον" χρόνοις δ᾽ ὕστερον ἡ τῆς ἱστορίας γραφὴ καὶ ἡ νῦν φιλοσὸ ία παρελήλυθεν εἰς μέσον. αὕτη μὲν οὖν πρὸς ὀλίγους, ἡ δὲ ποιητικὴ δημωφελεστέρα καὶ θέατρα πληροῦν δυναμένη: ἢ δὲ δὴ τοῦ Ὁμήρου ὑπερβαλλόντως. καὶ οἱ ον τοι δὲ ἱστορικοὶ καὶ φυσικοὶ μυθογράφοι. |
9. "Arte δὴ πρὸς τὸ παιδευτικὸν. εἶδος τοὺς μύ- θους ἀναφέρων ὁ ποιητὴς ἐφρόντιζε, πολὺ μέρος τἀληθοῦς" “ἐν δ᾽ ἐτίθει" (11. 18. 841) καὶ ψεῦδος, τὸ μὲν ἀποδεχόμενος, τῷ δὲ δημαγωγῶν Kab σπροῦ τηγῶν τὰ πλήθη. 105
1, ye; Meineke, for te; CO. Miiller approving. iF 10 3 προκαλέσᾳσθαι, is retained against Meineke’s προσκαλ: écac@a; A. Miller and C. Miiller approving, Ὁ 3 διά, ‘Cobet deletes, before δεισιδαιμονίας. ae . ἐφρόνειζε, Cobet, from the margin of A, for ἐφρόντισε. ..
7°
GEOGRAPHY, i. 2. 8-9
when they merely believe that men have met with such experiences. For in dealing with a crowd of women, at least, or with any promiscuous mob, a philosopher cannot influence them by reason or exhort {lem to reverence, piety and faith ; nay, there is need of religious fear also, and this cannot be aroused without myths and marvels. For thunder- bolt, aegis, trident, torches, snakes, thyrsusances,— arms of the gods—are myths, and so is the entire ancient theology. But the founders of states gave their sanction to these things as bugbears wherewith to scare the simple-minded. Now since this is the nature of mythology, and since it has come to have its place in the social and civil scheme of life as well as in the history of actual facts, the ancients clung to their system of education for children and applied it up to the age of maturity; and by means of poetry they. believed that they could satisfactorily discipline every period of life. But now, after a long time, the writing of history and the present-day philosophy have come to the front. Philosophy, however, is for the few, whereas poetry is more useful to the people at large. and can draw full.houses—and this is excep- tionally true of the poetry.of Homer. And the early historians and physicists were also writers of myths. 9. Now. inasmuch as Homer referred his. myths to the province of education, he was wont to pay considerable. attention. to. the truth... “And he mingled therein” a false element also, giving his sanction to the truth, but using the false to win the favour of the populace and to out-general the masses.
71
ΒΘΤΒΆΒΟ.ΘΌΟΠῸ
᾿ὡς δ᾽ ὅτε τις ὑχρυσῦι Ee. ἀργύρῳ. ἀ fy Rei (Od. 6: Me
οὕτως ἐκεῖνος ταῖς ἀληθέσι. περιπετείαις προσε-
<3 0%
ὄντα ἐν δ χέων: οὕτω δὴ τόν τε λαμ πόλεμον γεγονότα. παραλαβὼν ἐκόσμησε ταῖς μυθοποιίαις, καὶ τὴν Ὀδυσσέως πλάνην ὡσαύτως: ἐκ pndevos δὲ ἀληθοῦς ἀνάπτειν κενὴν. Teparo- λογίαν οὐχ Ὁμηρικόν. προσπίπτει. γάρ, ὡς εἰκός, ὡς πιθανώτερον ἂν οὕτω τις ψεύδοιτο, εἰ κατᾶ- μίσγοι Tt καὶ αὐτῶν τῶν ἀχηθινῶν" 5 ὅπεῤ ‘Kal Πολύβιός φησι περὶ τῆς ᾿Οδυσσέως birch Sie χειρῶν" τοιοῦτο δ᾽ ἐστὶ καὶ τὸ “ἢ
ἴσκε weiden πολλὰ λέγων ῥεύμριαν ἐμιφανν, a (Od, 19. 203)
οὐ wap πάντα, ἀλλὰ πολλά, ἐπεὶ οὐδ᾽ ἂν. ἣν ἐτύμοισιν ὁμοῖα. ἔλαβεν οὖν. παρὰ τῆς ἱστορίας τὰς ἀρχάς. καὶ γὰρ τὸν AioXov® dvvac tevoat φησὶ τῶν περὶ τὴν. Λιπάραν νήσων, καὶ “τῶν περὶ τὴν Αἴτνην καὶ Λεοντίνην Κύκλωπας καὶ Λαιστρυγόνας ἀξένους τινάς" διὸ καὶ τὰ περὶ τὸν πορθμὸν ἀπροσπέλαστα εἶναι τοῖς πότε, καὶ τὴν Χαρυβδιν καὶ. ‘TO Σκύλλαιον - ὑπὸ χῃστῶν κατέχεσθαι." οὕτω δὲ καὶ τοὺς. ἄλλους ‘TOV ὑπὸ Ὁμήρου λεγομένων ἐν ἄλλοις τόποις ἱστοροῦμεν' οὕτω δὲ καὶ τοὺς Κιμμερίους. εἰδὼς οἰκοῦντας
ἃ προσετίθει, Corais, for xporemertOer' : Cobet inlepenaathh 2 On the passage οὕτω δὴ... ἀληθινῶν; see R. Zimmermann, Hermes'23, 125. 8 Αἰδλόνΐ Meineke, for Αἴολον. τ ὑ
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GEOGRAPHY, :. 2. 9
“And as when some skilful man overlays: gold upon silver,” just so was Homer wont to, add a mythical _ element to actual occurrences, thus giving flavour and adornment to his style; but he has the same end in view as the historian or the person who narrates facts. So, for instance, he took the Trojan _ war, an historical fact, and decked it out with his
myths; and he did the same in the case of the wanderings of Odysseus; but to hang an empty story of marvels on something wholly untrue. is not Homer's way of doing things. For it, occurs to us at once, doubtless, that a man will lie more plausibly if he will mix in some actual truth, just as Polybius says, when’ he” 8. discussing’ the wanderings οὗ Odysseus. * This is what Homer himself means when he says of Odysseus: “ So he told..many lies in the - likeness of truth;”’ for Homer does. not say “all” but “many” lies; since otherwise they would not have been.“ in the likeness of truth.” Accordingly, he took the foundations of his stories from history. For instance, history says that Aeolus was once king over the islands about Lipara, and that the Cyclopes and the Laestrygonians, inhospitable peoples, were lords over the, region about Aetna and Leontine; and that for this reason the region about the Strait might not be visited by men. of that time, and that Charybdis andthe Rock of Scylla were infested by brigands. And from, history we learn, that the ,rest of the peoples mentioned by Homer lived «in» other parts of the world. And, too, it was on ‘the basis of - Homer’s actual knowledge that the Cimmerians lived
73
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τὸν Κιμμερικὸν βόσπορον rpdaBoppov καὶ ζο- φώδη μετήγαγεν οἰκείως εἰς σκοτεινὸν τινα τόπον τὸν καθ᾽ ΑΗ, “χρήσιμον ὄντα πρὸς τὴν polo: ποιίαν τὴν ἐν τῇ πλάνῃ. ὅτι δ᾽ οἶδεν αὐτούς, οἱ χρονογράφοι δηλοῦσιν, ἢ μικρὸν πρὸ αὐτοῦ τὴν τῶν Manabi ἔφοδον ἢ Kat αὐτὸν ἀναγρά- φοντες. ἘΠ sit 0
10. ΤΥ ὙΜῚ καὶ τοὺς Κόλχους eid! καὶ τὸν Ἰάσονος πλοῦν τὸν εἰς Aiav καὶ τὰ “περὶ Κίρκης καὶ Μηδείας μυθευόμενα καὶ ἱ ἱστορούμενα περὶ THs φαρμακείας καὶ τῆς ahs ὁμοιοτροπίας, συγγενείας τε ἔπλασε τῶν οὕτω διῳκισμένων, τῆς μὲν ἐν τῷ μυχῷ τοῦ Πόντου, τῆς δ᾽ ἐν τῇ Ἰταλίᾳ, καὶ ἐξωκεανισμὸν ἀμφοῖν, τάχα καὶ τοῦ ᾿Ιάσονος μέχρι τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας πλανηθέντος: δεί- κνυταὶ γάρ τινα ὃ καὶ περὶ τὰ Κεραύνια ὄρη καὶ περὶ τὸν ᾿Αδρίαν καὶ ἐν τῷ ἸΠοσειδωνιάτῃ κόλπῳ καὶ ταῖς πρὸ τῆς Τυρρηνίας νήσοις τῆς τῶν ᾽Αρ- γοναυτῶν πλάνης σημεῖα. προσέδοσαν δέ τι καὶ αἱ Κυάνεαι, ἅσπερ Συμπληγάδας καλοῦσι πέτρας τινές, τραχὺν ποιοῦσαι τὸν διέκπλουν τὸν διὰ τοῦ Βυξαντιακοῦ στόματος: ὥστε παρὰ μὲν τὴν Αἷᾶν ἡ Αἰαίη, παρὰ δὲ τὰς Συμπληγάδας αἱ ict
1 πρόσβορρον, Madvig, for πρὸς Boppav.
2 ὡσαύτως, the reading of the MSS.., is retained ne ρος and Meineke; C. Miiller inoke dl
3 σημεῖα after τινα, Meineke de etes, following Ἐν γώ of Miiller-Diibner.
74
GEOGRAPHY, 1. 2. 9-10
about the Cimmerian Bosporus, a gloomy country in the, north, that he transferred them, quite appro- priately, to. ἃ .certain gloomy region, in. the neigh- bourhood of Hades—a region that suited the purpose of his mythology in telling of the wanderings of Odysseus. The writers of chronicles make it plain that Homer knew the Cimmerians, in that they fix the date of the invasion of the Cimmerians either a short time before Homer, or else in Homer's own tis Ζ
10. And likewise it was on the basis of Homer's actual knowledge. οὗ the’ Colchians, of “Jason's expedition ‘to’ Aea, and of the stories of fact and fiction told about Circe and Medea regarding: their use of magic potions and their general similarity, of character, that he invented ἃ blood-relationship between, the, two, although they lived so very far apart, the one, in the remote recess of the Pontus, and the other in Italy, and also invented a residence for both of them out by Oceanus, though it may be that Jason wandered as far as Italy; for there are some indications that point to the wanderings of the Argonauts in the region of the Ceraunian Moun- tains! about the Adriatic Sea,? in the Gulf of Poseidonia,® and in the islands that lie off Tyrrhenia. And the Cyaneaet also, which some call the Symple- gades,® furnished the poet an additional matter of fact, in that they made the passage through the mouth of the strait at Byzantium very difficult ; so that when we compare the Aeaea of Circe with the Aea of Medea, and Homer’s Planctae® with the Bymplegades,
1 The Kimara Mountains in Albania: ὁ *"See-7, 5, 9. ~ 8 Gulf of Salerno.
4 Dark Blue Rocks. 5 Clashing Rocks. δ᾽ Wandering Rocks. ᾿
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STRABO
καὶ ὁ δι’ αὐτῶν πλοῦς τοῦ ᾿Ιάσονος πιθανὸς ἐφάνη" παρὰ δὲ τὴν Σκύλλαν καὶ τὴν Χάρυβδιν ὃ διὰ τῶν σκοπέλων πλοῦς. ἁπλῶς δ᾽ οἱ τότε τὸ πέλαγος τὸ Ποντικὸν ὥσπερ ἄλλον τινὰ ὠκεανὸν ὑπε- χάμβανον, καὶ τοὺς πλέοντας ἐκεῖσε ὁμοίως ἈΠΕ ΊΕΥ Ὁ γὰ ἡ : σ΄ \ Wee. on (33% 5 ἐκτοπίζειν ἐδόκουν, ὥσπεῤ. τοὺς ἔξω Στηλῶν ἐπὶ πολὺ προϊόντας" καὶ γὰρ μέγιστον τῶν καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἐνομίζετο, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο κατ᾽ ἐξοχὴν ἰδίως πόντον προσηγόρευον, ὡς ποιητὴν “Ὅμηρον. ἴσως οὖν καὶ διὰ τοῦτο μετήνεγκε τὰ ἐκ. τοῦ. Πόντου πρὸς τὸν. ὠκεανὸν, ὡς εὐπαράδεκτα, .διὰ. τὴν κατέχουσαν δόξαν. οἶμαι, δὲ καὶ τῶν Σολύμων τὰ ἄκρα τοῦ Ταύρου ra περὶ τὴν Λυκίαν ἕως Πισιδίὰς κατεχόντων τὰ ὑψηλότατα, καὶ τὰς ἀπὸ τῆς μεσημβρίας ὑπερβολὰς ἐπιφάνεστάτας Tape χόντων τοῖς ἐντὸς τοῦ Ταύρου, καὶ μάλιστα τοῖς περὶ τὸν Πόντον, καθ᾽ ὁμοιότητά τινὰ καὶ τούτους ἐξωκεανισθῆναι" φησὶ γὰρ ἐπὶ τοῦ πλέοντος ἐν τῇ σχεδίᾳ, ᾿ iy , sie bie Hike
τὸν δ᾽ ἐξ Αἰθιόπων ἀνιὼν κρείων ᾿Ενοσίχθων
τηλόθεν ἐκ Σολύμων ὀρέων ἴδεν. (Od. ὅ. 282)
᾿ ἘΠῚ μ' se οἰ Έ | padee Leche τάχα. δὲ. καὶ τοὺς μονομμάτους Κύκλωπας ἐκ τῆς Σκυθικῆς ἱστορίας. μετενήνοχε: τοιούτους yap
1 Draw a north and south line from the poet’s point of observation (near the Black Sea), through. the Salem Mountains and through Egypt to the Ethiopians on Oceanus south of Egypt. Then draw a north and south line’ from Odysseus’ point of observation (on his raft, west of Greece) to the Ethiopians living on Oceanus due south of the raft. Homer transfers the Solymi and their mountains from his own due-south line of vision to an.analogous position on Odysseus’ due-south line of vision. Just as these mountains,
76
ae Ν
GEOGRAPHY, 1. 2. 10
Jason’s voyage through the. Planctae was, clearly plausible also; and so was Odysseus’ passage between the Rocks, when we think of Seylla and Charybdis. Again, the men of Homer’s day, in general, regarded the Pontic Sea 45 ἃ kind of second Oceanus, and they thought ‘that those who voyaged thither got beyond the limits of the inhabited world: just as much as those who voyaged far beyond the pillars of Heracles; the Pontic Sea was thought to be the largest of the seas in our part of the world, and for that reason they applied to this particular sea the term “The Pontus,’ just as they spoke of Homer as The Poet.”’ Perhaps it'was for that very reason that Homer transferred to Oceanus things that were true of the Pontus, in the.belief that such a change would prove acceptable because of the prevailing notions in regard to the Pontus, And I think that since the Solymi occupied the loftiest peaks of the Taurus Range, I mean’ the peaks about Lycia as ‘far as Pisidia, and since their country presented ‘to people who lived north of the Taurus Range, and _ particularly to. those who lived about the Pontus, the most conspicuous altitudes on the south—for this reason, on the strength of a certain similarity of position, these people too were transferred to the position out by Oceanus ; for in speaking of Odysseus sailing on his raft he says : “ Now the lord, the shaker of .the, earth, on his way from the Ethiopians espied Odysseus from afar, from the mountains of the Solymi.”} Perhaps ‘Homer also borrowed his idea of the one-eyed Cyclopes from the history of Scythia ; ;
e to δ μέ, arose on the northern border of the Mediter- _ ranean, so to Odysseus they arose on the northern border of Oceanus. Strabo again refers to this on page 127.
77
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τινας τοὺς ᾿Αριμασπους φασιν, ods ἐν 'τοῖς Ape pacretous ἔπεσιν ἐνδέδωκεν" Mpeg ὁ ΠΡ
VNoLOS. 11. Δεῖ δὲ ταῦτα προὐποθέμενον σκοπεῖν, τί λέγουσιν οἱ φήσαντες περὶ Σικελίαν ἢ ᾿Ιταλίαν
γενέσθαι τῷ ᾿Οδυσσεῖ τὴν πλάνην καθ᾽ ᾿ “Opnpov:! ἔστι γὰρ ἀμφοτέρως τοῦτο δέξασθαι, καὶ βέλτιον καὶ χεῖρον. βέλτιον μέν, ἂν οὕτω δέχηταί τις; ὅτι πεισθεὶς ἐκεῖ τὴν πλάνην τῷ Ὀδυσσεῖ γενέ- σθαι; λαβὼν ἀληθῆ ταύτην τὴν ὑπόθεσιν ποιη- τικῶς διεσκεύασε' τοῦτο γὰρ οἰκείως ἂν λέγοιτο περὶ αὐτοῦ, καὶ οὐ μόνον γέ: περὶ ᾿Ιταλίαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ μέχρε τῶν ἐσχάτων τῆς ᾿Ιβηρίας ἐστὶν εὑρεῖν ἴχνη τῆς ἐκείνου πλάνης. καὶ ἄχχων πλειόνων. χεῖρον δέ, ἐ ἐάν τίς καὶ τὴν διασκευὴν. ὡς ἱστορίαν δέχηται, ἐκείνου ὠκεανὸν. καὶ. ᾿Αδην͵ καὶ ᾿Ηλίου βόας καὶ παρὰ θεαῖς ξενίας καὶ μεταμορφώσεις. καὶ μεγέθη Κυκλώπων “καὶ Λαιστῥυγόνων Kal μορφὴν Σκύχλης καὶ διαστήματα πχοῦ καὶ ἄλλα πλείω τοιαῦτα Τερατογρἀφοῦντος φανερῶς.“ οὔτε δὲ πρὸς τοῦτον ἄξιον ἀντιλέγειν, οὕτω. φανερῶς καταψευδόμενον. τοῦ ποιητοῦ, καθάπερ. οὐδ᾽, εἰ φαίη, τοῦτον. τὸν τρόπον γενέσθαι τὸν εἰς. τὴν ᾿Ιθάκην κατάπλουν τοῦ ᾽Οδυσσέως καὶ τὴν μνῆ- στηρόφονίαν καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ τοῦ ἀγροῦ συστᾶσᾶἂν μάχην. τοῖς ᾿θακησίοις πρὸς αὐτόν" οὔτε πρὸς τὸν δεξάμενον οἰκείως προσπλέκεσθαι. 'δίκαιον..
1 ἢ μὴ γενέσθαι, Meineke deletes, after καθ᾽ Ὅμηρον; For. biger, Kramer, C. Miller approving. |
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GEOGRAPHY, tf. 2. 10-11
for it. is reported that the Arimaspians' ‘are, a one- eyed . people—a_ people whom. Aristeas. of . Pro- connesus has made known in his Arimaspian Epic.
11. Having made these preliminary remarks, I must ask what people mean when they affirm that Homer places the wanderings of Odysseus in the region of Sicily and Italy? It is possible to accept this. view in two senses, one better and the other worse: The better is to assume that Homer was convinced that those regions were the scene of the wanderings of Odysseus, and that, taking ‘this hypothesis as fact, he elaborated the story in poetic fashion. 850 much may be said with propriety. about Homer ; at any rate one may. find traces of the wan- derings of Odysseus, and of several others, not only in the region of Italy, but also as.far as the extreme frontiers of Iberia. But the worse is to accept Homer’s elaboration of the story as history . also, because the poet’ is obviously indulging in marvels when he-tells of Oceanus, Hades, cattle of Helius, entertainment, by, goddesses, metamorphoses, huge Cyclopes and huge Laestrygonians, Scylla’s shape, distances traversed on the voyage, and many other things of a similar nature. But, on the one hand, it is not worth while to refute one who so obviously misintérprets the poet—any more than it would be if one should contend that the return of Odysseus to Ithaca, the massacre of the suitors, and the fight which took place out in the country between. the ' Ithacans and Odysseus, all happened precisely as described by the poet ; nor, on the other hand, is it right to quarrel with the man who inter Pests, Homer in a aide fashion.
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12. Ὁ ᾿Βρατοσθένης δὲ “πρὸς ἀμφοτέρας: τὰς ἀποφάσεις ἀπήντηκεν οὐκ εὖ. πρὸς μὲν τὴν δεύ- τεραν, ὅτι πειρᾶται διαβάλλειν. φανερῶς, Ψευδῆ καὶ οὐκ ἄξια λόγον διὰ μακρῶν: πρὸς δὲ τὴν προ- τέραν, ποιητήν τε ἅπαντα ἀποφήνας φλύαρον, καὶ μήτε τόπων ἐμπειρίαν. μήτε τεχνῶν πρὸς ἀρετὴν συντείνει». νομίσας" τῶν τε μύθων τῶν μὲν ἐν τύποις οὐ πεπλασμένοις πεφημισμένων, οἷον ἐν Ἰλίῳ καὶ Ἴδη καὶ Unde, τῶν δὲ ἐν πεπλασ- μένοις, “καθάπερ. ἐν ols αἱ “Ῥοργόνες ἢ aq ὁ Γηρυόνης, ταύτης. φησὶ τῆς ἰδέας εἶναι καὶ τοὺς κατὰ τὴν ᾽Οδυσσέως πλάνην λεγομένους, τοὺς δὲ μὴ πε: πλάσθαι λέγοντας ἀλλ᾽ ὑποκεῖσθαι ἐξ αὐτοῦ τοῦ μὴ συμφωνεῖν ἐλέγχεσθαι ψευδομένους" τὰς γοῦν Σειρῆνας. τοὺς μὲν ἐπὶ τῆς Πελωριάδος. καθιδρύειν, τοὺς δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν Σειρηνουσσῶν. πλείους ἢ δισχι- λίους διεχουσῶν σταδίους: εἶναι δ᾽ αὐτὰς σκόπελον τρίκόρυφον διείργοντα τὸν Brome Kat Ποσει- δωνιάτην κόλπον. ἀλλ᾽ οὔθ᾽ 6? σκόπελος οὗτός ἐστι τρικόρυφος, οὔθ᾽ ὅλως κορυφοῦται. πρὸς ὕψος, ἀλλ᾽ ἀγκών τις ἔκκειται. μακρὸς καὶ. στενὸς ἀπὸ τῶν κατὰ Συρρεντὸν ὃ χωρίων ἐπὶ τὸν κατὰ Καπρίας πορθμόν, ἐπὶ Garepa μὲν τῆς ὀρεινῆς τὸ τῶν Σειρήνων ¢ ἱερὸν ἔχων, ἐπὶ θάτερα δὲ πρὸς τῷ ἸΙοσειδωνιάτῃ κόλπῳ νησίδια τρία προκείμενα : ἔρημα πετρώδη, ἃ καλοῦσι Σειρῆνας" ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ
1 go ag Solas for Κύμαιον ; Ὁ. Miller approving. 2 οὔθ᾽ ὁ, Meineke, for οὐδὲ 6. ὃ Συρῥεντόν, Meineke, for Σύρρεντον ; C. Miiller approving.
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12. Eratosthenes, however, has taken. issue with both these answers to my question, and in so doing he is. wrong; he is wrong as regards the second answer, in that he attempts to misrepresent things that are obviously fictitious and that do not deserve protracted discussion; and he is wrong as regards the first, because he declares Ahat all poets are dealers in absurdities and thinks their knowledge either of places or of arts does not conduce to'virtue. Again, because Homer lays the scenes of his myths not only in. non-fictitious places, such as Ilion, Mt. Ida, and Mt. Pelion, but also in fictitious places, such as those in which the Gorgons and Geryon dwell, Eratos- thenes says that the places mentioned in the story of the wanderings of Odysseus, also, belong. to the eategory of fiction, and that the persons who contend that they are not fictitious but. have a foundation in fact, stand convicted of error by the very fact that they: do ‘not: agree among» themselves; at any, rate, that some of them put the Sirens on Cape Pelorias,} while others put them more than two thousand stadia distant on the Sirenussae, which is the name given to a three-peaked rock that separates the Gulf of Cumae? from the Gulf of Poseidonia.* But neither does this rock have three peaks, nor does it run up into a peak at all ; instead it is a sort of elbow that juts out, long and narrow, from the territory of Surrentum to the Strait of Caprese, with the sanctuary of the Sirens on. one.side. of the hilly headland, while, on the other side, looking towards the Gulf of Poseidonia, lie three uninhabited rocky little islands, called the Sirens, and on the Strait of Capreae itself
1 Cape Faro, Sicily. 2 Bay of Naples. ᾿ 8. Gulf of Salerno, Ἶ
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δὲ τῷ πορθβῷ' τὸ ᾿Αθήναιον, ᾧπερ —- kai ὁ ἀγκὼν αὐτός. :
13. ᾿Αλλ᾽ οὐδ᾽ εἰ μὴ συμφωνοῦσιν. οἱ τὴν ἱστορίαν τῶν τόπων παραδιδόντες εὐθὺς ἐκβάλ- rew δεῖ τὴν σύμπασαν ἱστορίαν" ἀλλ᾽ ἔδθ' ὅτε καὶ πιστοῦσθαι τὸ καθόλου μᾶλλόν ἐστιν. οἷον λέγω, ζητονμένον, εἰ κατὰ Σικελίαν καὶ Ἰταλίαν ἡ πλάνη γέγονε; καὶ εἰ αἱ Σειρῆνες ἐνταῦθά ov Ἀε Τάς ὁ μὲν φήσας ἐν TH Πελωριάδι, “πρὸς τὸν ἐν ταῖς. Σριρηνφγαραις διαφωνεῖ, ἀμφότεροι δὲ πρὸς τὸν περὶ Σικελίαν καὶ ᾿Ιταλίαν. λέγοντα οὐ διαφιῥοθδι, ἀλλὰ καὶ μείζω πίστιν παρέχου- σιν, ὅτι, καίπερ μὴ τὸ αὐτὸ χωρίον Ppatovres, ὅμως οὐκ ἐκβεβήκεσάν ye τοῦ κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἢ Σικελίαν. ἐὰν δὲ προσθῇ τις, ὅτι ἐν Νεαπόλει Παρθενόπης, δείκνυται μϑῆμα, plas τῶν Σειρήνων, ἔτι. πλείων προσεγένετο πίστις, καίτοι ppb ae τινὸς λεχθέντος τούτου τοῦ τόπου. ἀλλ᾿ OTL ἐν τούτῳ τῷ κόλπῳ, τῷ ὑπὸ ᾿Ερατοσθένους λεχθέντι Κυμαίῳ, ὃν ποιοῦσιν αἱ i Σειρηνοῦσσαι, καὶ ἡ Νεά- πολις ἵδρυται, βεβαιοτέρως. πιστεύομεν τὸ περὶ τούτους τοὺς τόπους γεγονέναι τὰς Σειρῆνας" οὔτε γὰρ τὸν ποιητὴν ἀκριβῶς ἕκαστα πυθέσθαι, οὔθ᾽ ἡμεῖς παρ᾽ ἐκείνου ζητοῦμεν τὸ ἀκριβές" οὐ μὴν οὐδ᾽ οὕτως ἔχομεν ὡς ὑπολαμβάνειν, καὶ μηδὲν
1 οὐδ᾽, Meineke, for οὔτ᾽. |
1 That is, Cape Minerva. 82
GEOGRAPHY, τ. 2. 12-13
is situated ‘thé sanctuary of Athene, from which the elbow takes its name.! τ΄... 7 ὦ
_ 13. However, even if those who hand down to us our knowledge of the regions under consideration do not agree among themselves, we should not on that account set asidé the entire body of that knowledge; indeed: there are’ times when the account as a whole is all the more to be accepted for this reason. For example, suppose the. question is raised whether the wanderings took place: in the regions of Sicily and Italy, and whether the Siren Rocks are anywhere thereabouts: the man who places the Siren Rocks on Cape*Pelorias is in dis- agreement with the man who ‘places them on the Sirenussae, but neither disagrees with the man who says that the Siren Rocks are placed in the neigh- bourhood of Sicily and Italy ; nay, they even add to the credibility of the third witness, because, though they do not name the self-same spot for the Rocks, yet, at all events, they have not gone beyond the regions of Italy and Sicily for them.) Then, if some one adds that a monument of Parthenope, one of the Sirens, is shown in Neapolis, we have. still further proof, although a. third, site has been introduced into’ the discussion.. Furthermore, the fact that Neapolis also lies on this gulf (called by Eratosthenes the gulf of Cumae), which is formed by the Siren- ussae, induces us to believe all. the more firmly that the Sirens were in the neighbourhood of these places ; for we do not demand of the poet that he should have inquired accurately into every detail, nor do we in our School demand scientific accuracy in his statements ; yet, even so, we surely are not entitled - to assume that..Homer composed the story of the
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πεπυσμένον περὶ τῆς πλάνης, aot ὅπου" sy OT WS γεγένηται, ῥαψῳδεῖν.
14. ᾿Ερατοσθένης δὲ Ἡσίοδον μὲν ebntes πε- πυσμένον περὶ τῆς ᾿Οδυσσέως πλάνης, ὅτι κατὰ Σικελίαν καὶ ᾿Ιταλίαν γεγένηται, πιστεύσαντα τῇ δόξῃ μὴ μόνον τῶν ὑφ᾽ Ὁμήρου λεγομένων μεμνῆ-: σθαι, ἀλλὰ καὶ Αἴτνης καὶ ᾿Ορτυγίας, τοῦ “πρὸς Συρακούσαις νησίου, καὶ Τυρρηνῶν" “Ὄμῃρον᾿ δὲ μήτε εἰδέναι ταῦτα, μήτε. βούλεσθαι ἐν γνωρίμοις τόποις ποιεῖν τὴν πλάνην. πότερον οὖν Αἴτνη μὲν καὶ Τυρρηνία γνώριμα, Σκύλλαιον δὲ καὶ Χάρυβδις καὶ Κίρκαιον καὶ Σειρηνοῦσσαι ov πάνυ; ἢ καὶ Ἡσιόδῳ μὲν ἔπρεπε μὴ φλυαρεῖν, ἀλλὰ ταῖς κατεχοὔσαις δόξαις ἀκολουθεῖν, Ὁμήρῳ δὲ “ πᾶν, ὅ τι Kev’ ἐπ᾿ ἀκαιρίμαν γλῶσσαν ἴῃ, κελαδεῖν;" χωρὶς γὰρ. τῶν λεχθέντων περὶ τοῦ τύπου τῆς πρεπούσης Ὁμήρῳ “μυθοποιίας, καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν συγγραφέων τῶν ταὐτὰ θρυχούντων . καὶ τῆς κατὰ τοὺς τόπους ἐπιχωριαζούσης. φήμης : διδάσκειν δύναται, διότι ταῦτα, οὐ ποιητῶν πλάοσ- ματά ἐστιν οὐδὲ συγγραφέων, ἀλλὰ TSP EE ἴχνη. Kal προσώπων καὶ πράξεων.
15. Καὶ Πολύβιος δ᾽ ὀρθῶς ὑ ὑπονοεῖ τὰ περὶ en πλάνης. τὸν γὰρ Αἰόλον,Σ Τὸν προσημάναντα τοὺς ἔκπλους ἐν τοῖς κατὰ τὸν πορθμὸν τόποις ἀμφιδρόμοις οὖσι καὶ δυσέκπλοις διὰ τὰς Hes)
1 κέν, Cobet, for ἄν ; and ns Pie (which Meineke ar for γλῶτταν, in keeping with the proverb. attributed to Pindar. See Bergk’s'note on Fr. Adesp. 864.
84
GEOGRAPHY, τ. 2. 13-15
wanderings without any inquiry at all, either as to where or as to how they occurred.
14, But Eratosthenes conjectures that Hesiod learned by i inquiry that, the scene of the wanderings of Odysseus lay in the. region of Sicily and Italy, and, adopting this belief, mentioned not only the places spoken of by Homer, but also Aetna, Ortygia (the little island next to Syracuse), and Tyrrhenia ; and yet he contends that Homer knew nothing about these places and had no intention of placing the wanderings in any known regions. Now were Aetna and Tyrrhenia well-known places, but Sceyl- laeum, ‘Charybdis, Cireaeum, and the Sirenussae wholly unknown? Or was it the proper thing for Hesiod not to talk nonsense and to follow prevailing opinions, but the proper thing for Homer to“ give utterance to every thought that comes. to his in- opportune tongue’? For ‘apart from what I have said concerning the type of myth which it was proper for Homer. to employ, most. of the writers who discuss the same topics that Homer discusses, and also most of the various local traditions, can teach us that these matters are not fictions of poets nor yet of prose they ecg but are traces of real persons and events,
15. Polybius also ententeina correct views in regard to, the, wanderings. of Odysseus, for he says that Aeolus, the man who taught navigators how. to steer a course in the regions of the Strait of Messina, whose waters are subject to a constant ebb and flow and are difficult to navigate on account of the
_ 2 Αἰόλον, Meineke, for Αἴολον. | - 3 προσημάναντα, A. Miller, for προσημαίγοντα,
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potas, ταμίαν τε εἰρῆσθαι τῶν ἀνέμων καὶ βασιλέα νενομίσθαι φησί: Kal} καθάπερ Δαναὸν μέν, τὰ ὑδρεῖα τὰ ἐν Ἄργει παραδείξαντα, ᾿Ατρέα δέ, τοῦ ἡλίου τὸν ὑπεναντίον τῷ οὐρανῷ δρόμον, μάντεις τε kali ἱεροσκοπουμένους ἀποδείκνυσθαι βασιλέας" τούς θ᾽ ἱερέας τῶν Αὐγυπτίων καὶ Χαλδαίους καὶ Μάγους, σοφίᾳ τινὶ διαφέροντας ᾿ τῶν ἃ “ἄλλων, ἡγεμονίας καὶ τιμῆς τυγχάνειν παρὰ τοῖς πρὸ ἡμῶν" οὕτω δὲ καὶ τῶν θεῶν & ἕνα ἕκαστον, τῶν χρησίμων τινὸς εὑρετὴν γενόμενον, τιμᾶσθαι. ταῦτα δὲ προοικονομησάμενος οὐκ ἐᾷ τὸν Αἰόλον 3 ἐν μύθου σχήματι ἀκούεσθαι, οὐδ᾽ ὅλην τὴν Ὀ- δυσσέως πλάνην: ἀλλὰ μικρὰ μὲν προσμεμυθεῦ- σθαι καθάπερ καὶ τῷ ‘Trang πολέμῳ, τὸ δ᾽ ὅλον περὶ Σικελίαν καὶ τῷ ποιητῇ “πεποιῆσθαι καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις our, φεῦσιν, 6 ὅσοι τὰ ἐπιχώρια" ᾽ λέγουσι τὰ περὶ τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν καὶ Σικελίαν. οὐκ ἐπαινεῖ δὲ οὐδὲ τὴν τοιαύτην τοῦ ᾿Ερατοσθένους ἀπόφασιν, διότι φησὶ τότ᾽ ἂν εὑρεῖν τινα, ποῦ ᾽Οδυσσεὺς πεπλάνηται, ὅταν εὕρῃ τὸν σκυτέα τὸν συρ- ράψαντα τὸν τῶν ἀνέμων ἀσκόν. καὶ τοῦτο δ᾽ οἰκείως εἰρῆσθαι τοῖς συμβαίνουσι περὶ τὸ Σκύλ- λαιον καὶ τὴν θήραν τῶν γαλεωτῶν τὸ ἐπὶ τῆς Σκύλλης: :
«αὐτοῦ δ᾽ ἰχθυάᾳ » Δδπιιθχονν περιμαιμώωσα δελφῖνάς τε κύνας τε, καὶ εἴ ποθι μεῖζον ἕλῃσι ‘abe | (Od. 12. ie
τοὺς yap θύννους ἀγεληδὸν φερομένους παρὰ τὴν
1 καί, Meineke inserts, before καθάπερ.
2 AidAov, Meineke, for Αἴολον.
5 τὰ ἐπιχώρια, Corais, for τὰ περιχώρια; Cobet τἀπιχώρια independently.
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GEOGRAPHY, τ. 2. 15
reverse currents, has been called lord of the winds and. regarded as their king; and just as Danaiis, because he discovered, the subterranean reservoirs of water in Argos, and Atreus, because he discovered that the sun revolves in a direction opposite to the movement of the heavens, both of them being seers and diviners, were appointed kings ; and just as the priests of the Egyptians, the Chaldaeans, and the Magi, because they excelled their fellows in know- ledge of some kind or other, attained to leadership and honour among the peoples before our times ; so, says Polybius, each one of the gods ‘came to honour because he discovered something useful to man. Having said this much by way of preamble, Polybius insists that we shall not interpret: Aeolus asa myth, nor yet the wanderings of Odysseus, as a whole; but that insignificant elements of myth have been added. by the poet, just as had already been done in the case. of the Trojan War, and that the scene of the whole story has been laid in the neighbourhood of Sicily by Homer as well as_ by all the other writers who deal with local matters pertaining to Italy and Sicily. Neither does Polybius approve of this sort of declaration from Eratosthenes : “You will find ‘the scene οὔ the wanderings of Odysseus when you find the cobbler who sewed up the bag of the winds.” And the description of Scylla by the ‘poet, says Polybius, is in agreement with what takes place off the Scyllaean Rock and in the hunting of the “ galeotae” » And there she fishes, swooping round the rock, for dolphins or for dog-fish, or whatso greater. beast:she may anywhere take.” For when the tunny-fish, Polybius goes on to say, as they swim along in
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᾿Ιταλίαν, ἐπειδὰν ἐμπέσωσε καὶ κωλχυθῶσε τῆς Σικελίας ἅψασθαι, περιπίπτειν. τοῖς μείξοσι TOV ζῴων, οἷον δελφίνων καὶ κυνῶν καὶ ἄλχων κητῶ- δῶν: ἐκ δὲ τῆς θήρας αὐτῶν πιαίνεσθαι. TOUS γαλεώτας, ods καὶ ξιφίας" λέγεσθαι καὶ κύνας φησί. συμβαίνειν γὰρ ταὐτὸν ἐνθάδε καὶ κατὰ τὰς ἀναβάσεις τοῦ Νείλου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὑδάτων, ὅπερ ἐπὶ πυρὸς καὶ ὕλης ἐμπιπραμένης" ἀθροιξό- μέρα, γὰρ τὰ θηρία φεύγειν τὸ πῦρ ἢ τὸ ὕδωρ, καὶ βορὰν γίνεσθαι τοῖς κρείττοσι. ἀπ
16, Ταῦτα, δ᾽ εἰπὼν διηγεῖται τῶν ᾿“γαλεωτῶν θήραν, ἣ συνίσταται “περὶ τὸ Σκύλλαιον: σκοπὸς γὰρ ἐφέστηκε κοινὸς ὑφορμοῦσιν ἐν δικώποις. σκαφιδίοις πολλοῖς, δύο καθ᾽ ἕκαστον σκαφίδιον, καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐλαύνει, ὁ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῆς πρῴρας. ὅστηκε δόρυ ἔχων" σημήναντος δὲ τοῦ σκοποῦ τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν τοῦ γαλεώτου (φέρεται δὲ τὸ τρίτον μέρος ἔξαλον τὸ ζῷον) συνάψαντός τε" τοῦ σκάφους ὃ "μὲν ἔπληξεν ἐκ χειρός, εἶτ᾽ ἐξέσπασεν ἐ ἐκ τοῦ σώματος τὸ δόρυ χωρὶς τῆς ἐπιδορατίδος" ἀγκιστρώδης, τε γάρ ἐστι καὶ χαλαρῶς ἐνήρμοσται τῷ δόρατι ἐπί- τηδες, καλώδιον δ᾽ ἔχει μακρὸν ἐξημμένον. τοῦτ᾽ ἐπιχαλῶσι τῷ τρωθέντι τέως, ἕως ἂν κάμῃ σφα- δάξζον καὶ ὑποφεῦγον" τότε δ᾽ ἕλκουσιν ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν, ὴ εἰς τὸ σκάφος ἀναλαμβάνουσιν, ἐὰν. μὴ μέγα ἢ τελέως τὸ σῶμα. κἂν. ἐκπέσῃ δὲ εἰς. τὴν θάλατταν τὸ δόρυ, οὐκ ἀπόλωλεν" ἔστι γὰρ πη- κτὸν ἔκ τε δρνὴς καὶ ἐλάτης; ὦ ὥστε np career
1 "δέ, Α. Miler inserts, as it is written in A “pita mano” above areurhen routs us 2 ce, A. Miller, for δέ.
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GEOGRAPHY, 1. 2. 15-16
schools by the coast of Italy, meet with the, current from the. strait and are prevented from. reaching Sicily, they fall a prey to the larger sea-animals, such as dolphins, dog-fish and cetaceans in general ; and the “ galeotae” (which are called both sword- fish and dog-fish) grow fat from the chase of the tunny-fish. Indeed, the same thing occurs here, and at the rise of the Nile and other rivers, as happens when there is a conflagration or a forest fire, namely, the assembled animals attempt to escape the fire or the flood and become prey of animals more powerful than themselves. ,
16. After making this statement Polybius goes on to describe the hunting of the “ galeotae,” which takes place off the Seyllaean Rock : one man on the look-out acts for all the fishermen, who lie in wait in many two-oared skiffs, two men in each skiff, one rowing and the other standing in the bow with his spear poised. in. hand. And when the man on the look-out signals the appearance of the “ galeotes’”’ (the creature swims along with a third of its body out of the water), and when the skiff draws near it, the man in the bow strikes the fish at close range, and then withdraws the spear-shaft, leaving the spear-head in the body of the fish ; for the spear-head is barbed and. loosely attached.to the spear-shaft on purpose, and has a long line fastened. to it.. They pay out this line to the wounded fish until he becomes tired out by his struggles and his attempts at escape; then they tow him to the shore, or take him aboard the skiff—unless he be of enormous size. If the spear-shaft fall into the water, it is not lost; for it is made of both oak and pine wood, so that
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τοῦ Opvivov βάρει μετέωρον εἶναι τὸ Χοιπὸν Kai εὐανάληπτον. συμβαΐνειν δέ ποτε καὶ τιτρώσκε- σθαι διὰ τοῦ σκαφιδίου τὸν κωπηλάτην διὰ τὸ oy ὁ a] , al n° \ ra 1: at μέγεθος τοῦ ξίφους τῶν γαλεωτῶν καὶ TO τὴν
ἀκμὴν τοῦ ξίφους 4 συαγρώδη εἶναι καὶ δηκτηρίαν."
ἔκ τε δὴ τῶν τοιούτων εἰκάζοι τις ἄν, φησί, περὶ Σικελίαν γενέσθαι τὴν ἡχάνην κατὰ τὸν “Ὅμηρον, ὅτι τῇ Σκύλλῃ προσῆψε, τὴν τοιαύτην θήραν, ἢ μάλιστ᾽ ἐπιχώριός ἐστι τῷ Σκυλλαίῳ: καὶ ἐκ τῶν περὶ τῆς Χαρύβδεως λεγομένων ὁμοίων τοῖς. τοῦ πορθμοῦ πάθεσι. τὸ δὲ ἐγ δ
τρὶς μὲν γάρ τ᾽ ἀνίησιν, (θα. Ape 345)
ἀντὶ. τοῦ δίς, γραφέκον εἶναι ἀμάρτῃμα ἢ, στο. ρικόν. Yo
17. Καὶ! rdiley τῇ Μήνεγγι δὲ τοῖς pee TOV Λωτοφάγων εἰρημένοις συμφωνεῖν. εἰ δέ Twa μὴ συμφωνεῖ, μεταβολὰς αἰτιᾶσθαι δεῖν ἢ ἄγνοιαν ἢ καὶ ποιητικὴν ἐξουσίαν, 1) συνέστηκεν ἐξὶ ἱστορίας καὶ διαθέσεως καὶ μύθου. τῆς. μὲν οὖν ἱστορίας ἀλήθειαν εἶναι τέλος, ὡς ἐν Νεῶν καταλόγῳ τὰ ἑκάστοις τόποις συμβεβηκότα λέγοντος τοῦ ποιῆ- τοῦ, τὴν μὲν πετρήεσσαν, τὴν δὲ ἐσχατόωσᾶν πόλιν, ἄλλην